Ukrainian anarchists fighting imperialism and building mutual aid in wartime

It was the early morning hours in the United States when I sat down for a conversation with Anton, a coordinator with Solidarity Collectives, who was speaking to me from Ukraine. Despite the vast distance and time zone differences, the urgency of our discussion was unmistakable. The war was ongoing, and people were still dying. Anton and his comrades were still organizing, still fighting, still resisting. For them, this was not just a battle for territory but a struggle for survival—a struggle against both Russian imperialism and the broader forces that had sought to dominate Ukraine long before the war even began.

Since our recorded conversation, much has changed. Donald Trump has returned to power, and his administration has already begun pressuring Ukraine into negotiations that would tie economic and territorial concessions to U.S. interests. While Ukraine has been under Russian external pressure for decades—long before the Orange Revolution of 2004, it now faces additional strain from Washington, where Trump is echoing the Kremlin’s narratives while simultaneously eyeing Ukraine’s rare metals industry.

Now more than ever, Western activists need to hear the voices of anarchists and anti-authoritarians in Ukraine. For too long, certain factions have dismissed Ukrainian struggles as either a proxy war or as merely a battlefield for imperialist powers. This framing erases the agency of Ukrainians who have been resisting both state power and foreign intervention for years. It fails to acknowledge that many of those now fighting were the same people who protested against government corruption, opposed nationalism, and built radical movements long before this war began.

Since the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine began in February 2022, a network of Ukrainian anarchists and anti-authoritarians has organized to support their comrades on the frontlines, provide humanitarian relief, and challenge the narratives surrounding the war. Operating under the name Solidarity Collectives, this group functions as an independent, grassroots initiative aimed at sustaining anti-authoritarian fighters while also engaging in broader humanitarian and media efforts. Their work is a testament to the idea that self-organization, mutual aid, and direct action remain viable even under the extreme conditions of war.

Anton described the movement’s origins as an urgent response to Russian aggression. “Some of us had already been preparing for the possibility of an invasion for years, though not necessarily in the way that things have turned out,” he explained. “There were comrades who imagined a partisan-style resistance, something decentralized and outside of state structures. But when the full-scale invasion happened, the nature of the war was different. It wasn’t an underground resistance but a direct, large-scale military conflict, and people had to adapt.”

Solidarity Collectives was not just an ideological project but a practical necessity. Many anarchists and anti-authoritarians chose to fight in the Ukrainian military, not out of any newfound loyalty to the state, but because they recognized that resistance to Russian imperialism required direct action. “There is no alternative to fighting,” Anton said. “If the Russian army surrenders, the war ends. If Ukrainian soldiers lay down their weapons, Ukraine will be occupied, and thousands more will be tortured and killed. These are the only two possible outcomes.”

Their collective now assists approximately 100 anti-authoritarian fighters in the Ukrainian military, providing them with equipment, medical supplies, and logistical support. Beyond this, they engage in humanitarian initiatives and media outreach to counteract the pervasive misinformation surrounding Ukraine, particularly among segments of the Western Left.

One of the defining aspects of Solidarity Collectives is the diverse backgrounds of the people involved. Unlike conventional military units that draw from traditional nationalist or professional soldiering traditions, this network is composed of anarchists, punks, feminists, trade unionists, and subcultural figures who, before the war, were more likely to be found organizing protests, squatting buildings, or playing in punk bands than engaging in armed struggle.

Anton emphasized that many of those now fighting against Russian imperialism came from underground and activist communities, rather than state institutions or nationalist formations. “A lot of the people we support were involved in anarchist organizing, feminist movements, anti-fascist football hooligan groups, or even the punk scene,” he explained. “These were people who spent their time at protests, going to shows, supporting mutual aid projects. Many of them had never imagined themselves fighting in a conventional war, but when the invasion happened, they understood that there was no other option.”

The DIY and self-organized ethos that defined their pre-war lives has carried over into how they function on the battlefield. “These aren’t people who just follow orders blindly,” Anton said. “They think critically about what they’re doing. They don’t fight because the state tells them to fight. They fight because they know what is at stake if they don’t.”

Among the ranks of those fighting or providing support are anarchist organizers who spent years resisting the Ukrainian government’s policies, trade unionists who clashed with oligarchs, feminists who organized against patriarchal violence, and punks who spent their nights screaming against oppression in underground venues. “There are people here who, before the war, were squatting buildings, doing Food Not Bombs, setting up autonomous social centers,” Anton said. “Many of them had been active in direct action against corruption and state violence in Ukraine. And yet, they understood immediately that this war is not about defending the Ukrainian government—it’s about stopping an imperialist force that wants to destroy everything we stand for.”

This decentralized, non-hierarchical way of organizing has made Solidarity Collectives particularly effective at responding to urgent needs. “We don’t have a strict chain of command like a traditional army,” Anton explained. “We operate based on trust, direct communication, and shared principles. If someone needs protective gear, we figure out how to get it to them. If a school needs laptops for students displaced by the war, we organize to make that happen. If we need to counter Russian disinformation, we use our networks to spread the truth.”

The presence of international volunteers, including Belarusians and Russians fighting against Putin’s regime, further highlights the transnational, anti-authoritarian character of the movement. “Some of our comrades are from Belarus and Russia,” Anton said. “They are fighting here because they understand that a Russian victory in Ukraine would mean further oppression in their own countries. They have seen what Putin’s regime does to dissidents, and they know that this is part of a broader struggle against authoritarianism.”

Despite their commitment, many of these fighters and activists have paid the ultimate price. “We have already lost many comrades,” Anton said somberly. “Some were Ukrainians, some were internationals, but all of them understood why this fight mattered. One of the most well-known was Cooper Andrews, an American anarchist who came to fight and was killed in April 2023. He wasn’t just some soldier—he was a person who believed in something greater, who put his life on the line for international solidarity.”

This sense of solidarity extends beyond those directly involved in the fighting. “It’s not just about those on the frontlines,” Anton said. “It’s about everyone who supports them—those who organize logistics, those who provide humanitarian aid, those who spread awareness internationally. Every person who participates in this struggle is part of the same movement.”

Solidarity Collectives’ work has naturally evolved into three primary areas: military support, humanitarian relief, and media engagement.

“Initially, the focus was almost entirely on military support,” Anton recalled. “There was no choice. Fighters needed protective gear, medical supplies, food, and even vehicles. The Ukrainian state, despite everything, was not able to provide for everyone, and as anarchists, we weren’t about to wait for them to figure it out.”

The military support aspect of their work involves purchasing and distributing protective gear such as ballistic vests, helmets, night vision devices, and first aid kits. “We have received plates that were shot but saved people’s lives,” Anton said. “If we had not provided those plates, they would be dead.”

Beyond the battlefield, the group also provides humanitarian assistance to civilians affected by the war. “It’s not just about supporting the fighters,” Anton emphasized. “We also help civilians, displaced people, students—anyone who has been impacted by the war. We’ve provided laptops for students forced into distance learning due to unsafe conditions, assisted in rebuilding homes, and collaborated with trade unions across Europe to deliver aid.”

Another key component of their work is media outreach, which serves both to combat misinformation and to raise awareness of their efforts. “We have to counter Russian propaganda,” Anton said. “There is a pervasive narrative that Ukraine is overrun by Nazis, that it’s just a proxy war for NATO, that anyone fighting against Russia is somehow an agent of Western imperialism. This is nonsense, and it’s dangerous.”

Anton expressed frustration with how some sectors of the Western Left have internalized Russian propaganda. “I’ve seen self-described leftists in the US and Europe echoing Kremlin talking points without even realizing it,” he said. “They say they’re against imperialism, but they refuse to acknowledge Russian imperialism. They say they support self-determination, but when Ukrainians fight for it, suddenly it’s different.”

One of the most contentious debates surrounding anarchist participation in the war is the question of anti-militarism. Some anarchists outside Ukraine argue that joining the military, even in self-defense, contradicts anti-authoritarian principles. Anton, however, sees this as a misunderstanding of both the nature of the war and the principles of anarchism.

“There is a difference between militarism and self-defense,” he said. “Militarism is about using military force to assert power, to dominate, to expand. What we are doing is fighting against an invading army that wants to erase us.”

He acknowledged that in the abstract, anarchists might prefer to organize resistance outside of state military structures, but he emphasized that real-world conditions dictate different choices. “This is not a theoretical debate for us,” he said. “It’s not happening in a book or in an online discussion forum. It’s happening in real life, and the reality is that people are being bombed, tortured, and executed by Russian forces. Pacifism is not an option when you are facing genocide.”

Anton pointed to historical examples of anarchist armed resistance, such as the Spanish Civil War, where anarchists fought against fascism alongside more traditional military forces.

“Did the Spanish anarchists love the Republican government? No. But they fought alongside them because the alternative was fascist victory,” he said. “Our situation is similar. We don’t fight for the Ukrainian government. We fight for our communities, our people, and our right to exist.”

Beyond the issue of militarism, Anton and others in Solidarity Collectives have had to contend with widespread misconceptions about Ukraine—particularly among segments of the Western left that seem more eager to critique NATO than to support actual resistance against Russian aggression.

“One of the most absurd things I’ve heard is the idea that Ukraine is full of Nazis,” Anton said. “Are there far-right elements in Ukraine? Of course. Just like there are in the United States, France, Germany, and everywhere else. But the far-right is not in power here. They have never won more than a few percent of the vote. The idea that Ukraine is some kind of fascist state is just Russian propaganda.”

He also expressed frustration with calls for a negotiated peace, especially from people who seem to have little understanding of what such a peace would actually entail. “What does ‘peace’ mean in this context?” Anton asked. “For some, it means Ukraine should surrender. It means Ukrainians should be occupied, jailed, tortured, and executed. That is not peace. That is mass murder.”

He noted the particular irony of Western leftists advocating for solutions that would lead to their comrades’ deaths. “If Russia wins, people like me will be the first to be targeted,” he said. “Anarchists, feminists, trade unionists, anyone who has resisted Russian imperialism—we will all be hunted down.”

Despite the challenges, Anton remains hopeful that international solidarity can make a difference. “We have received incredible support from comrades in Poland, Germany, France, the US, and beyond,” he said. “People have organized fundraisers, sent equipment, and spread awareness about our struggle.”

He emphasized that one of the most important things people can do is donate. “The reality is that we need money,” he said. “That is the most direct way to help. We use it to buy protective gear, medical supplies, and other essentials. Every dollar makes a difference.”

For those who cannot contribute financially, Anton stressed the importance of spreading accurate information. “Challenge Russian propaganda when you see it,” he said. “Amplify Ukrainian voices, especially those of anti-authoritarian and leftist organizers. Make sure people understand that this is not a war of choice for us—it is a war of survival.”

The war in Ukraine has exposed the failures of much of the Western Left, which too often views the conflict through geopolitical abstraction rather than the lived struggle of those resisting imperialism. Anton and his comrades fight because the alternative is occupation, repression, and death. “We don’t have the luxury of debating self-defense,” Anton said. “That question was answered when the first bombs fell.” Dismissing Ukraine’s resistance as a proxy war is not anti-imperialism; it is complicity in Russia’s colonial violence.

If Ukraine loses, it won’t be oligarchs who suffer—it will be workers, anti-authoritarians, feminists, queers, trade unionists, and activists, the very people the Western left claims to support. Solidarity cannot be conditional on ideological purity or academic debates about imperialism. It must be practical, material, and immediate.

As Anton put it: “We do not ask for your approval. We ask for your solidarity.”

As the war continues, Solidarity Collectives remains committed to both resistance and mutual aid, working not just for Ukraine’s survival, but for a world free from imperialist domination. “This isn’t just about Ukraine,” Anton said. “It’s about showing that resistance is possible. That imperialism can be fought. That people can organize, even in the worst conditions, and still stand together in solidarity.”

For more information or to support their work, visit solidaritycollectives.org.

Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see “About Tempest Collective.”
Featured Image credit: Solidarity Collectives; modified by Tempest.