{"id":5355,"date":"2022-01-26T00:55:48","date_gmt":"2022-01-26T05:55:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.tempestmag.org\/v01_2020\/staging\/?p=5355"},"modified":"2022-01-30T01:39:02","modified_gmt":"2022-01-30T06:39:02","slug":"social-movements-are-how-classes-struggle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2022\/01\/social-movements-are-how-classes-struggle\/","title":{"rendered":"Social movements are how classes struggle"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>The following article consists of excerpts from <strong>Colin Barker\u2019s<\/strong> 2007 draft article, &#8220;Class Struggle, Movement, Party&#8221;, the full text of which can be found <a href=\"https:\/\/drive.google.com\/file\/d\/0Bz3wUg3e6r_4ODUyMDhmOTUtZTU1Ni00NTU3LTgwMzMtMTZkM2FiZGU5OWI2\/view?hl=en&amp;resourcekey=0-SsDeZWv45D7h6QmILel4gg\">here<\/a>. In the excerpts that follow, Barker offers crucial insights into the relationship between classes, movements, and organization. Most provocatively, while affirming the centrality of class struggle, he argues that \u201cit is movements rather than classes that prove to be the direct collective actors that possess the capacity to change the world.\u201d Although this argument may sound novel, Barker shows how it was a basic assumption informing the thinking of such revolutionaries as Rosa Luxemburg, Vladimir Lenin, and Antonio Gramsci. The dynamics of social movements were a central theme in Barker\u2019s writing throughout his life, always approached with an unparalleled curiosity and creativity.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>All of Barker\u2019s writings are animated by a fundamental faith in ordinary people to think and act for themselves, not to serve as pawns or props in the grand strategies of parliamentarians or states. As Barker points out, \u201cthe process of mobilization into movements is one of self-activation, of active engagement.\u201d That self-activity or self-emancipation of working people has been the core of the politics of socialism from below since Marx\u2019s time. To recognize the central importance of social movements to class struggle is not, however, to fetishize spontaneity. Movements are \u201calways and everywhere riven by inner contradictions and arguments,\u201d Barker argues, and the working class \u201cwill never unify itself spontaneously.\u201d Organization is required precisely to influence the direction of these movements toward greater self-reliance and expansion in moments of upheaval when it counts.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>The argument presented in these excerpts is expanded upon in many of Barker\u2019s other writings, but especially in his chapter of the recently published <a href=\"https:\/\/www.haymarketbooks.org\/books\/1653-revolutionary-rehearsals-in-the-neoliberal-age\">Revolutionary Rehearsals in the Neoliberal Age<\/a> (2021).<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>This article originally appeared on <a href=\"https:\/\/sites.google.com\/site\/colinbarkersite\/\"><strong>Colin Barker\u2019s<\/strong> website<\/a>. <\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>&#8211; Sean Larson, for Tempest<\/em><\/p>\n<hr class=\"half\" \/>\n<h4>Class Struggle as a Concept<\/h4>\n<p><span class=\"dropcap\">I<\/span>n Marx&#8217;s usage, the term \u201cabstract\u201d most decidedly does not mean \u201cunreal\u201d: value and surplus-value define the most fundamental relationships of the whole of capitalist society, permeating every aspect of life. They determine the boundaries of what is possible within the society, determining its other shapes and forms.<\/p>\n<p>I want to suggest that Marx&#8217;s concept of \u201cclass struggle\u201d is that kind of abstract concept. Class struggle, in Marx&#8217;s meaning, also permeates every aspect of life and determines\u2014in the sense of \u201csetting limits to\u201d\u2014the whole of political and social life. It is, however, at the same time an \u201cabstract\u201d or general concept, and if [we] want to study its actual forms of appearance we need to deploy a whole range of other, more concrete, concepts, at the same time never forgetting how these are shaped in their actual functioning by the underlying processes of class struggle.<\/p>\n<p>What I suggest is that \u201cclass struggle\u201d is an \u201cabstract concept\u201d in the above sense. We cannot understand the way capitalist societies work without constant awareness of class struggle as a general process that underlies and shapes everything. Nor is it imaginable that, without class struggle, there can be any possibility of future social transformation. However, class struggle always appears in \u201cmediated\u201d forms. Classes, as social wholes, do not directly appear as political entities with formed wills and purposes, acting as homogeneous subjects. Nor should we assume that they ever will. Rather, actual class struggles never involve all workers equally, even at the very peak of mass revolutionary battles, and it is exactly for this reason that such struggles always pose vital questions about strategy and tactics. Nor, indeed, do actual movements ever involve simply members of \u201cone class.\u201d Further, the issues that arise in social struggles are not, mostly, capable of being simply \u201creduced\u201d to \u201cclass issues\u201d without taking account of a whole series of additional mediations.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">We cannot understand the way capitalist societies work without constant awareness of class struggle as a general process that underlies and shapes everything. Nor is it imaginable that, without class struggle, there can be any possibility of future social transformation. However, class struggle always appears in \u201cmediated\u201d forms.<\/aside>\n<h4>The Sphere of Politics and Culture<\/h4>\n<p>There are all manner of terms that might be developed to discuss the more \u201cconcrete,\u201d \u201cimmediate,\u201d \u201csurface\u201d level at which \u201cpeople become conscious of the conflict and fight it out.\u201d Provisionally, we might call it a \u201csocio-cultural-political level.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>It is here that we can and need to discuss all the variety of \u201cformations\u201d and \u201cinstitutions\u201d and \u201cactivity systems\u201d and the like, which comprise our experience of everyday social, political, and economic life. It is at this mediated level that we can begin to discuss historical institutions, specific state forms and \u201cregimes of accumulation,\u201d specific ideological formations. Here, too, \u201cactors and agents\u201d take on color and personality, acquiring specific local and historical definitions. At the abstract level of a mode of production, such actors and agents are no more than line-drawn cartoon figures, having no more definition than simply the \u201cbearers of social relations\u201d: they are simply \u201cthe capitalist,\u201d \u201cthe banker,\u201d \u201cthe landlord,\u201d \u201cthe worker,\u201d \u201cthe petty-bourgeois,\u201d \u201cthe peasant,\u201d and so on. To know that someone is \u201ca worker\u201d is a vital step in beginning to understand her, for that fact sets limits to her possibilities, but it does not tell us how she and those around her see the world and her own place and possibilities within it, what her actual day-to-day relations may be with others, how she and they respond to specific situations and events, how she and they may change their activities, relationships and ideas. At a more concrete, socio-cultural-political level, we must examine people&#8217;s concrete purposes and understandings, their multi-dimensional social relations, and intersecting networks of association, in all their rich coloring, diversity, and historical depth.<\/p>\n<p>It is here, too, that we can begin to identify and analyze characteristic patterns of practices, ideas, everyday relationships as they are developed, systematized, differentiated, contested, in ongoing processes of social, scientific, religious, psychological, economic, and aesthetic development. Here belong, for example, initial orienting discussions of such matters as \u201ccommonsense\u201d and \u201cgood sense,\u201d the practical function of ideas, accounts of language, the role of \u201cintellectuals,\u201d and questions about \u201cideological domination\u201d and \u201chegemony.\u201d The potential agenda is enormous, but our starting point does suggest some bases for discriminating between \u201cbetter\u201d and \u201cworse\u201d ideas. What we need to reject are those accounts of the \u201ccultural\u201d which treat most people as simple prisoners of other people\u2019s ideas or in short every potentially \u201celitist\u201d conception of everyday consciousness. We need to examine actual struggles to explore how people make sense of the world and what possibilities they find within it\u2014thus such dialectical thinkers as Gramsci, Vygotsky, Volos\u030cinov, Williams, or Billig are, on this measure, among those more likely to be helpful to us.<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-5365\" src=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MultiDimensional-Orb.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"953\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MultiDimensional-Orb.jpg 1000w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MultiDimensional-Orb-600x572.jpg 600w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MultiDimensional-Orb-300x286.jpg 300w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MultiDimensional-Orb-768x732.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\" \/><\/p>\n<p>Within cultures, these oppositions manifest themselves in various \u201csubaltern cultures,\u201d themselves responses to the tensions and contradictions of modes of production and cultures, and of the limits to development set by these. They represent the characteristic ways of organizing everyday life and handling its difficulties, within the material and cultural resources available to differentially located groupings within specific social formations. Here, \u201cneeds\u201d are given concrete, historical definition, in terms of specific patterns of \u201ctaste\u201d and \u201cpleasure\u201d; here, diverse networks of sociality are built, maintained, defended. Here, people love and despair, dream, speak and sing, remember, hope, create each other, form and re-form particular individual and collective personalities. Here, they work and take \u201cleisure\u201d in particular ways. Here, they form definite social ties, family forms, networks of social association, and social division amongst themselves along with means of mutual social control. \u201cSubaltern cultures\u201d contain a variety of potentials for development: being anything but homogeneous, they are fields of dialogue and contest.<\/p>\n<p>Subaltern cultures are also formed, it must be emphasized, within the orbit of existing states and dominant classes, representing at once forms of resistance and accommodation, and they are themselves a focus of direct and indirect \u201cintervention\u201d by those states and dominant classes. We should be concerned to search out, within the formation of subaltern cultures, not only the forms of both resistance and accommodation, but also the nascent development of \u201calternatives\u201d to the organizational patterns and values of the existing dominant order. Often it is just these potential alternatives which \u201cinterventions from above\u201d (the colonization of the life-world) seek to undermine and replace. These are issues of considerable practical-political significance, unless we suppose that only in moments of \u201csocial revolution\u201d do subaltern classes suck out of their thumbs principles of some new social order, with no previous aspiration to, experience of, or developing skills in the elements making this up (or, even worse, that just at such junctures vanguard parties step into the historic breach and teach the presumably grateful workers what they should want and need).<\/p>\n<h4>Movements as a Category<\/h4>\n<p>It is on this \u201cground,\u201d of historically emergent social-cultural-political formations, that \u201cmovements\u201d (or \u201csocial movements\u201d as most of the contemporary literature refers to them) arise as specific achievements.<\/p>\n<p>Before saying anything definite about these forms, let&#8217;s be clear about their significance in the context of the present argument. Bluntly, classes are not the direct collective actors that struggle to change the world. That historic privilege belongs to this mediated form, \u201cmovements.\u201d Our argument is thus consciously \u201crevisionist.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cMovement\u201d is a category Marxism needs. It&#8217;s a term already used by Marx, Engels, Luxemburg, Lenin, and Trotsky, though\u2014to my knowledge\u2014none of them ever explicitly discusses what they mean by the term. Not only do they use it, but\u2014in some cases at least\u2014they more or less explicitly distinguish between the term \u201cmovement\u201d and the term \u201cparty.\u201d But the relation between the two terms remains not entirely clear. What can we say about \u201cmovements\u201d?<\/p>\n<p>In the light of the previous development, we can begin to think of \u201cmovements\u201d as a kind of active crystallization out of both \u201cdominant\u201d and \u201csubaltern\u201d cultures. They involve a self-selection of persons-with-themes who collectively resolve, in some sense, to confront some larger or smaller issue posed within their social-cultural-political formation. Movements represent a kind of collective focusing of attention and energy on transforming, more or less, the parameters of some specific question, in opposition to other forces: dominant or subordinate classes, parties, movements, states, etc.<\/p>\n<p>We should not assume that \u201cmovements\u201d are necessarily \u201cprogressive,\u201d \u201cdemocratic,\u201d etc. There are movements whose aims are decidedly \u201cregressive\u201d: we need only think of fascism or the Ku Klux Klan, which took a \u201cmovement\u201d form, to recognize this.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">[C]lasses are not the direct collective actors that struggle to change the world. That historic privilege belongs to this mediated form, \u201cmovements.\u201d<\/aside>\n<p>Movements arise out of, but are not identical with, the social networks which individuals and groups form amongst themselves within social-cultural-political formations: they represent a further level of self-organization. They are products of dominant and subaltern cultures, but they are not identical, either, with those cultures. A few examples: While \u201cworking-class culture\u201d includes both trade unionists and scabs, \u201clabor movements\u201d organize in part to contain and control scabs. The majority of the British population, according to opinion surveys, opposes the Iraq war and occupation, yet, despite the huge size of the anti-war movement, only a (quite large) minority has participated in any of the Stop The War Movement\u2019s organized collective activities. The Black Baptist Church network was crucial to the early development of the Civil Rights Movement in the U.S., yet some Black Baptist churches refused their participation.<\/p>\n<p>Rather than simply \u201creflecting\u201d a culture, subaltern or otherwise, movements actively select issues, themes, ideas, and methods of struggle from a whole potential \u201crepertoire\u201d of possibilities. In that sense, they are in a nascent sense already \u201ccritical\u201d of other ways of living and responding within their own culture. Indeed, some movements arise directly in response to felt deficiencies within existing movements and organizations. Examples include rank-and-file and shop steward movements opposing bureaucratism and conservatism within trade unionism, the emergence of \u201cBlack Power\u201d within the Civil Rights Movement in the U.S.A., the re-birth of feminism in response to the sexism women activists experienced within the Civil Rights Movement and the U.S. student Left.<\/p>\n<p>If movements are networks, they\u2019re also arenas of argument. Every facet of movement activity and organization is potentially debatable. How best should a movement organize its forces, and sort out its decision-making processes? What should be its goals, and how should they be defined? What methods of activity are most appropriate for it to achieve its goals? How should a movement respond to a specific situation? Should some voices and forms of activity be disallowed: in short, should there be criteria for belonging, involving rules of inclusion and exclusion?<\/p>\n<p>Such organizational, strategic, and tactical arguments are, in refracted form, also germane to, indeed they are a living aspect of the class struggle. Indeed, those who participate in these arguments are themselves not immune to interventions from movements\u2019 opponents. If one potential ruling-class response to a subaltern movement is simply repressive, another is more or less \u2018cooptative\u2019. Movement opponents may conclude that direct repression is not a suitable or viable response and that they have, in some sense, to \u201clive with\u201d a movement, but this pattern of response is unlikely to be simply passive. Rather they may seek to achieve a form of movement that, if irksome, is nonetheless not directly threatening to their most fundamental interests. They may deploy a battery of means, including both force (legal constraint, selective violence) and persuasion to shape the forms, purposes, and methods of movements. As Shandro suggests, it was part of Lenin\u2019s insight into the workers\u2019 movement that it lies \u201cin the rulers\u2019 strategic sights.\u201d That insight can be generalized to other movements and settings. Movement forms, methods, and goals are \u201cnegotiable,\u201d both among their participants but also between them and their ostensible \u201ctargets.\u201d The class struggle thus runs not simply between movements and their opponents, but also through them and within them.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">The evaluation of movements involves the question, what can they become? This question assumes a notion of \u201cimmanence:\u201d within the very contradictions of movements there exist, to larger or smaller degree, potentials for social transformation.<\/aside>\n<p>Movements move. Within and through them, people mobilize collectively to change some condition. In the process, they come into conflict with opponents. Those conflicts are not static conditions, but consist of sequences of events which more or less reconfigure the relations between the warring parties. Via the indeterminate inner processes of these event-sequences, in which the various individual and collective actors engage their forces, strategize, and choose specific tactics and the like, movements advance or retreat, grow and decline, surface and submerge, concentrate or divert their energies, clarify or confuse their understandings and their goals.<\/p>\n<p>During these processes, the make-up of their personnel may alter, as individuals and groups enter or withdraw. Participants discuss and argue among themselves and with more or less engaged audiences and opponents, assessing and testing various proposals about what their movements are, what they are for, how they should proceed. In selecting among alternatives, movements also validate and invalidate different courses of action and organization, and thus different claims to \u201cleadership\u201d from among the proffered choices. In these same processes, individuals and groups learn, share, test, enlarge, or diminish various skills and capacities, along with the confidence and will to use them.<\/p>\n<p>The process of mobilization into movements is one of self-activation, of active engagement. Its effects on participants are more or less transforming. People change themselves as they deploy their energies and understandings to alter the complex relations with others in which they are, individually and collectively, \u201chubs\u201d (Gramsci) or \u201cnexuses\u201d (Marx). Individual and collective \u201cemancipation\u201d or \u201cliberation\u201d is an at once \u201cpractical\u201d and \u201ccognitive\u201d process involving changing the self and societal relations.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_5363\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-5363\" style=\"width: 1024px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-5363\" src=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MaxPixel.net-Criticism-Philosopher-Karl-Marx-Friedrich-Engels-5299054-1024x683.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MaxPixel.net-Criticism-Philosopher-Karl-Marx-Friedrich-Engels-5299054-1024x683.jpg 1024w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MaxPixel.net-Criticism-Philosopher-Karl-Marx-Friedrich-Engels-5299054-600x400.jpg 600w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MaxPixel.net-Criticism-Philosopher-Karl-Marx-Friedrich-Engels-5299054-300x200.jpg 300w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MaxPixel.net-Criticism-Philosopher-Karl-Marx-Friedrich-Engels-5299054-768x512.jpg 768w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MaxPixel.net-Criticism-Philosopher-Karl-Marx-Friedrich-Engels-5299054-1200x801.jpg 1200w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/MaxPixel.net-Criticism-Philosopher-Karl-Marx-Friedrich-Engels-5299054.jpg 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-5363\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Karl Marx &amp; Friedrich Engels.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>There is thus an implicit measure of movement \u201csuccess,\u201d in which the criteria are the degree to which movements succeed in altering the social relations and accompanying understandings which inhibit their own emancipation from oppression and exploitation and which advance their individual and collective \u201cwelfare,\u201d and thereby alter their participants&#8217; selves and identities in mutually empowering fashion. Such criteria necessarily implicate judgments about movements themselves, in terms of the degree to which their practice actively promotes such empowering transformations\u2014or, rather, proves self-defeating. Movements vary on all manner of axes, but a crucial one concerns the degree to which their own practice begins to embody, or perhaps we should say, to organize, a different way of living, or the outlines of a different kind of society. Those most likely to achieve this are those which engage, actively, with the members of \u201csubaltern classes.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The evaluation of movements involves the question, what can they become? This question assumes a notion of \u201cimmanence:\u201d within the very contradictions of movements there exist, to larger or smaller degree, potentials for social transformation. If individuals can achieve little on their own by way of such transformation, their mutual association in movements contains larger possibilities for societal and thus personal change.<\/p>\n<p>I began this section by suggesting that it is movements rather than classes that prove to be the direct collective actors that possess the capacity to change the world. A \u201cworkers&#8217; movement\u201d involves, to the degree it succeeds, large numbers of workers; it never involves them all, and it faces problems sometimes from those workers who oppose it. This is not only true of strike movements, but also of revolutions. On the other hand, active workers&#8217; movements often draw into their ranks numbers of non-workers (students, intellectuals, sympathizing shopkeepers, cafe-owners, publicans, and the like). When they establish new institutions that challenge for political power, as in revolutionary moments, those institutions are movement institutions: think of the forms taken by such bodies as the Commune of Paris, the Russian soviets, the workers and soldiers councils of Germany in 1918-19 or in Hungary in 1956, the cordones of Chile in 1972-73, the inter-factory strike committees that composed Solidarnosc in Poland in 1980-81, along with other more recent examples from Argentina, Bolivia, and elsewhere.<\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, movements are not the same as \u201cparties.\u201d Partly because of their \u201cnetwork\u201d character, because they do contain different \u201ctendencies\u201d of thought, they have a \u201cmobilizing reach\u201d and a potential energy and capacity for innovation that even the most resourceful party can only admire. However, we should be careful not to draw the wrong kind of line of distinction between the phenomena of movements and parties, for confusions on this score have bedeviled Marxist debates in the past, and continue to rankle within today&#8217;s \u201canti-capitalist\u201d movements.<\/p>\n<h4>The Party Question<\/h4>\n<p>What, then, finally, of the question of \u201cparties\u201d? In order for Marxism to develop the beginning of an adequate approach to this issue, it had first to break decisively with the reformist conception of this issue, as this was developed within the Second International. This was no easy task, for the reformist conception was hegemonic over the theoretical imaginations, not only of the right wing within the International, but also of the left. As a result, the quite heated debates about \u201corganizational questions\u201d in the decade and a half before 1914 were often confusing and confused.<\/p>\n<p>The classic statement of the reformist conception was represented by the very influential book by Karl Kautsky, the \u201cPope of Marxism,\u201d under the title The Road To Power. That book was very influential far beyond the borders of Germany, for whose Social Democratic Party it was written. The Road to Power offers a seemingly radical prognosis: the choice for humanity lies between imperialism and socialism. Yet Kautsky assigns a remarkably passive role to the working class in the coming crisis. The dynamic element is the ruling class: its internal contradictions, corruption, and loss of self-assurance will drive the system towards self-destruction. The proletariat will passively inherit power after the bourgeoisie&#8217;s inevitable self-immolation, which is the necessary result of capitalism&#8217;s inherent tendencies of development. Social Democracy, basing itself on \u201cindependent scientific investigation by bourgeois thinkers\u201d has the task of raising workers&#8217; consciousness to the point where they have \u201ca clear insight into social laws,\u201d and such a movement\u2019s victory is certain, down to \u201cinevitable necessity.\u201d All the socialist party need do is maintain its integrity by refusing collaboration in a passive stance of \u201copposition.\u201d The center of such action as is to occur is the socialist party in parliament, and not the workers themselves. As Harman notes, in this social-democratic conception, \u201cOther forms of working-class organization and activity can help, but must be subordinated to the bearer of political consciousness.\u201d In Kautsky&#8217;s words, \u201cThis \u2018direct action\u2019 of the unions can operate effectively only as an auxiliary and reinforcement to and not as a substitute for parliamentary action.\u201d Nowhere does Kautsky reveal any of Marx&#8217;s or Luxemburg&#8217;s sense of the working class itself as an active, world-shaping force.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">All movements of the oppressed demand socialist support, all require that revolutionary socialist organizations participate in their struggles and seek to link them together as part of the overall challenge to the capitalist system as a whole.<\/aside>\n<p>The difficulty with the whole position, from the standpoint of the Left, was that it induced the kind of historical fatalism that Kautsky cheerfully accepted. One just had to wait for the workers to catch up with an already established theory, and for the contradictions of capitalist development to assist them along the way. What the theory did not suggest was that the Left should form its own party, or even a coherent tendency within the established parties, to fight for a different conception of the struggle, in which it would be the self-activity of the workers&#8217; movement itself which would provide the basis for a \u201csocialism from below,\u201d and in which it would not be \u201cthe party\u201d that would come to power, but new, directly democratic organizations created out of workers&#8217; struggles.<\/p>\n<p>Lenin is always prone to make statements not about \u201cthe consciousness of the workers\u201d in the abstract, but rather of the form, \u201cthis section has moved to this point, but others are still behind.\u201d This gives his political writings a concreteness and sharpness of focus not found in his contemporaries, and which provided a lesson book for those who, during and after 1917, joined his side. It also represents a vantage point from which the \u201cfatalism\u201d of the Second International is most effectively combated. Rather than \u201cwaiting\u201d for the working class to complete its development and for it to then vote in a parliamentary government that will legislate socialism into existence\u2014a scenario shown to be more than unlikely after a miserable century of experience of social-democratic parties!\u2014revolutionary socialists should be attentive to the shifts in activity and consciousness among the working class, and indeed among all those opposed to the existing ruling class and its policies, and be ready to join in with their struggles and become part of their movements in order to play a part in connecting those particular struggles to the larger struggle to transform society. \u201cWaiting\u201d for the working class to unify itself under the parliamentary leadership of a social democratic party, or for it to unify itself spontaneously into an effective revolutionary force, is like Waiting for Godot: a drama without any conclusion, for such a \u201csubject\u201d will never unify itself spontaneously, since movements whether of workers or others are always and everywhere entities riven by inner contradictions and arguments. Revolutionary socialists should be part of those arguments, not outside them commenting.<\/p>\n<p>Capitalism engenders and rests upon not simply the immediate process of exploitation of wage-labor, but a multitude of other oppressions and injustices. The struggle against capitalism is not simply a matter of the self-organization of workers to oppose their employers, but equally\u2014and sometimes more importantly, depending on specific conditions\u2014a host of struggles, against imperialism, against racism and ethnic and religious oppression, against the unequal treatment of women, against vicious policing and penal policies, against homophobia, against environmental degradation, and so on. Always and everywhere, socialists have to be active in defense of the \u201cunderdog,\u201d to be, in Lenin&#8217;s outstanding phrase, \u201ctribunes of the people.\u201d All movements of the oppressed demand socialist support, all require that revolutionary socialist organizations participate in their struggles and seek to link them together as part of the overall challenge to the capitalist system as a whole. Within the workers&#8217; movement itself, even at the cost of temporary unpopularity, socialists have to campaign for a politics of human liberation.<\/p>\n<p><em>For those looking to learn more about <strong>Colin Barker <\/strong>and his work, in addition to his books, you can check out <a href=\"https:\/\/www.rs21.org.uk\/author\/colin_barker\/\">his more recent writings for rs21<\/a> in the UK, <a href=\"https:\/\/sites.google.com\/site\/colinbarkersite\/\">his website<\/a> that collects many of his writings and drafts, a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.marxists.org\/history\/etol\/writers\/barker-c\/index.htm\">collection of some of his writings on marxists.org<\/a>, as well as the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.rs21.org.uk\/2019\/02\/09\/obituary-colin-barker\/\">obituary<\/a> written by Ian Birchall.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Tempest reprints a piece by <strong>Colin Barker<\/strong> that argues social movements are essential vehicles of the class struggle.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":127,"featured_media":5368,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4,9],"tags":[226,23],"class_list":["post-5355","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-article","category-marxist-classics","tag-socialist-strategy","tag-theory"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/barker-mvt.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5355","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/127"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5355"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5355\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/5368"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5355"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5355"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5355"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}