{"id":14857,"date":"2026-05-26T07:00:49","date_gmt":"2026-05-26T11:00:49","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/?p=14857"},"modified":"2026-05-31T23:20:56","modified_gmt":"2026-06-01T03:20:56","slug":"femonationalism-in-the-alternative-for-germany","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2026\/05\/femonationalism-in-the-alternative-for-germany\/","title":{"rendered":"Femonationalism in the Alternative for Germany"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span class=\"dropcap\">E<\/span>urope\u2019s far right is on the rise. Right-wing populist movements have recently undergone an exponential growth in public support and a systematic rise to power within mainstream political platforms, securing about 25 percent of seats in the European parliament in 2024 (European Parliament, 2024). Despite their promotion of traditionalist views of gender and active opposition of feminism and \u201cgender ideology,\u201d right-wing conservative parties across Europe have been relying on a paradoxical weaponization of feminist ideas to defend the supposed superiority of Western values and target migrant communities (Vieten, 2025). This selective invocation of women\u2019s rights, used to ostracize and alienate ethnic and religious minorities, was conceptualized by British sociologist Sara Farris as \u201cfemonationalism\u201d (Farris, 2017). Farris argues that femonationalism reinforces negative stereotypes about Muslim immigrants and informs policies and laws, leading to systematic discrimination and hostility towards these communities that become a target for a hate campaign.<\/p>\n<p>The Alternative f\u00fcr Deutschland (AfD), a political party founded in 2013, has become one of the most influential forces in contemporary German politics, despite being officially categorized as \u201cright-wing extremist\u201d in a report issued by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution. Notably, the AfD has one of the lowest proportions of female membership compared to its opponents, yet women still hold positions of power where they enjoy a certain degree of visibility and renown in its public image and political communication. This paradox raises a central question: How does the AfD actively shape the boundaries of women\u2019s political representation while advancing anti-feminist and anti-immigrant agendas? More specifically, how does gender function as an integral element of the party\u2019s nationalist project rather than a contradiction to it? The concept of femonationalism illuminates how the selective invocation of women\u2019s rights becomes a mechanism for legitimizing xenophobic and exclusionary policies.<\/p>\n<p>The stakes here are high. Populist far-right groups in Western Europe have been able to attain an enormous amount of power and political capital in recent years. Germany&#8217;s AfD has gained immense public support during the 2025 national elections, becoming the second-largest political force in the country. This marks a significant shift that suggests a resurging normalization of right-wing populism within the country\u2019s parliamentary politics (Arzheimer, 2015). According to a 2025 report, the share of women among political party members in Germany as of December 2021 varied by party, with the Green Party having the highest number of female members at roughly 42 percent, followed by 37 percent in the Left party and 33 percent in the SPD (Statista, 2025). The AfD share of female members was the lowest at only 18.7 percent. Despite this severe gender imbalance, women continue to be strongly featured at the forefront of the AfD\u2019s public image, embroidering a perceived sense of progress that sharply contradicts the party\u2019s conservative agenda. Porzycki (2025) argues that radical-right parties often use their female members and leaders to portray themselves as modern and moderate in the public eye, a method that is commonly referred to as strategic image management. Yet at the heart of this strategy, there lies a clear irony: While women in the AfD are enabled and encouraged to acquire positions of power within the public political sphere, their presence in these spaces is leveraged to advance anti-feminist agendas. These women typically target female voters by appealing to their concerns about issues of safety and protection. As showcased by the concept of \u201cthe heartland\u201d in populist German politics, radical-right parties equally appeal to nationalist fervor through a carefully curated vision of Germany that is partially fueled by a chronic idealization of the country\u2019s problematic past (Porzycki et al., 2025), dismissing the inflammatory nature of such an ideal in the context of a \u201cpost-nazi\u201d Germany.<\/p>\n<p>As a language that makes it easy to create compound words, German has a surplus of derogatory terms used to refer to migrants and asylum seekers of ethnic descent. Terms like \u00dcberfremdung (Over-foreignization), Asylkriminalit\u00e4t (Asylum Criminality), Schuldkult (Cult of Guilt), and Parallelgesellschaften (Parallel Societies) are often used in political and online discourse to dehumanize migrants, criticize the nation\u2019s culture of memory\/remembrance, and generate panic within German society, thus creating further polarization in both official and unofficial public opinion. In fact, this misleading and offensive manipulation of language occurs so often that there is a German linguistic initiative that annually selects a word or a phrase deemed inappropriate and commonly misused, in order to raise awareness about inflammatory language posing a threat to democracy and human dignity. <em>Unwort des Jahres<\/em> (Non-word of the year) dates back to 1991, the year it was launched to draw attention to questionable use of loaded vernacular. In response to the resurgence of Germany&#8217;s far right, numerous &#8220;Unw\u00f6rter&#8221; selected by the <em>Unwort des Jahres<\/em>\u2019s independent panel have been linked to political actors such as the AfD, whose frequent use of populist neo-nazi lingo has left its permanent trace on contemporary trends in German slang. In 2024, <em>Biodeutsch<\/em> (Bio-German) was named \u201cnon-word\u201d of the year, referring to people with German citizenship who do not have an ethnic German background. This further illustrates the importance of language in political discourse, particularly in the context of political mobilization. As exemplified by the German far right, language possesses a transformative capacity, enabling the establishment of a normalization of narratives previously considered extremist (Zajak et al., 2025).<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">The AfD utilizes a racialized ideal image of the \u201cemancipated white woman\u201d to frame Muslim women as inherently oppressed, unfree, and therefore incompatible with German society.<\/aside>\n<p>Doerr (2021) empirically investigates the construction of migrant Muslim communities as a \u201cthreat\u201d to German society and to the supposed homogeneity of its native culture. The study emphasizes the role of the AfD in propagating a stereotypical image about these communities through physical street advertisements, digital platforms, mobile displays, and both national parliament elections and state-level campaigns. Doerr essentially argues that the AfD utilizes a racialized ideal image of the \u201cemancipated white woman\u201d to frame Muslim women as inherently oppressed, unfree, and therefore incompatible with German society. A primary example of this is the 2017 AfD campaign poster which exhibited an image of three white women in bikinis, accompanied by a slogan that reads: \u201c<em>Burkas? Wir steh\u2019n auf Bikinis<\/em> (Burkas? We prefer bikinis)\u201d (Doerr, 2021). While the bikini is meant to symbolize freedom of choice and self-determination, Doerr (2021) argues that the AfD deploys a sexualizing chauvinistic male gaze that partially targets young male voters, portraying German women as governable subjects in need of protection from the likely dangers of Muslim invasion. Similar patterns emerge when we analyze speeches and press releases from the party, as its members consistently claim exclusive ownership of women\u2019s rights and leverage gendered issues of public safety to amass voters and public supporters.<\/p>\n<h4>Women as victims of migration<\/h4>\n<p>One of the most assertively direct iterations of femonationalist ways of arguing is evident in Alice Weidel\u2019s October 2025 press release titled: \u201cMore and more women live in fear\u2014The AfD is ready to restore security\u201d (Alternative f\u00fcr Deutschland, 2025). The title itself claims a causal chain before presenting any empirical data to support such a fallacious assertion: German women are unsafe in the public sphere and only the AfD is capable of reimposing order and security. Weidel states, \u201cMore than half of all women in Germany no longer feel safe in public spaces. This alarming figure from the representative Civey survey is further proof of the government&#8217;s failure in migration and security policy.\u201d This statement proceeds without delay to pin the blame of a security issue on a particular ethnic minority: Syrians. She continues, \u201cAs the Federal Ministry of the Interior had to admit, between 2015 and 2024, according to official data, 135,668 Germans were victims of crimes committed by Syrian suspects.\u201d The juxtaposition of women\u2019s nocturnal fear with failure in border policy lacks empirical support from scholarly research. The primary objective of such a statement, however, is to evoke emotional responses rather than logical reasoning. According to Farris\u2019s framework, this is a classic femonationalist move, as it reduces women to a quantifiable populace of nationalist subjects whose survival ostensibly counts on the AfD\u2019s electoral victory. Weidel specifies that \u201cthe ones who suffer most are especially young women and children, who are often defenselessly exposed to violent assaults\u201d (Alternative f\u00fcr Deutschland, 2025). Such word choices perform a crucial role, as they highlight the vulnerability of German women in the face of a persistent influx of migrants who are, in the eyes of Weidel and her fellow party members, the sole perpetrators and aggressors against such a precarious demographic. At the same time, these outlandish claims carry out the ideological work of concealing migrant and racialized women from the AfD\u2019s ostensibly feminist narrative on women\u2019s public safety issues. In a manner that can only be described as dehumanizing, these women are deemed unworthy of protection or dignity. The only presence that the ethnic\/racialised woman is allowed in the AfD\u2019s official pseudo-feminist discourse is one where she is depicted as a rhetorical device or an object with no agency, used only to advance the party\u2019s xenophobic and racist agenda.<\/p>\n<p>The AfD\u2019s selective protective paternalistic narrative is deeply rooted in Samuel Huntington\u2019s post-cold war \u201cclash of civilizations\u201d theory, which was subsequently adopted by contemporary political figures like Thilo Sarrazin whose essentialist views on migration and social integration have consistently contributed to the normalization of such exclusionary discourse within mainstream politics (Sprengholz, 2021). This view promotes a rigid concept of cultural identity, which is ultimately weaponized to exclude migrant communities deemed &#8216;incompatible&#8217; with the host culture. Within this theoretical structure, gender is once again weaponized under the assumption that German society has already achieved absolute gender equality, thus instrumentalizing this flawed premise to draw racialized boundaries of citizenship and belonging that exclude all non-white Germans. The paradox herein is clear as day: Whereas anti-migration policies are presented as effective solutions to a gender-related issue, they often exacerbate gender inequalities by aggravating socioeconomic vulnerabilities among migrant women, with little regard to the consequences of such laws against non-constituent, non-white, non-Western \u2014mostly Muslim\u2014women.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">Whereas anti-migration policies are presented as effective solutions to a gender-related issue, they often exacerbate gender inequalities by aggravating socioeconomic vulnerabilities among migrant women, with little regard to the consequences of such laws against non-constituent, non-white, non-Western \u2014mostly Muslim\u2014women.<\/aside>\n<p>This sentiment is reverberated in one of Alice Weidel\u2019s most controversial press statements as she states: \u201cThe alarming scale and the high proportion of foreign suspects in sexual offenses against women are a warning signal. Since the Union opened the gates in 2015, especially to men from societies shaped by archaic and misogynistic norms, women have become fair game\u201d (Weidel, 2024). The language used in this context is extremely offensive and dehumanizing, as the term <em>Freiwild<\/em> in German implies that women have been left unprotected and \u201cavailable\u201d for harassment and sexual violence due to the absence of stringent border measures. This kind of alarmist and sensitive language aligns with the AfD\u2019s broader strategy of appropriating feminist rhetoric in the Bundestag \u2014the federal parliament of Germany\u2014to conceal its anti-feminist position and divert the public\u2019s attention from its own conservative and traditionalist views of gender (Sprengholz, 2021). Analogously, internal conflicts within the AfD regarding the party\u2019s stance on homosexuality are omitted from official statements (Arzheimer, 2015).<\/p>\n<h4>The racialization of sexism and male violence<\/h4>\n<p>The phrase \u201cmen from societies shaped by archaic and misogynistic norms\u201d (Weidel, 2024) betrays a form of cultural essentialism that homogenizes entire societies and depicts them as inherently regressive and backwards, thus establishing a civilization hierarchy placing German culture and people above racialized migrant men and their cultures. In 2018, Alice Weidel used the term <em>Messerm\u00e4nner auf Sozialhilfe<\/em> or \u201cKnife-wielding men on welfare\u201d in reference to high-profile knife crimes that the country has witnessed, calling for waves of mass deportations of asylum seekers and refugees. In media coverage of stabbing crimes in Germany, systematic regularities seem to be permanently present across different outlets as reporting often emphasizes the ethnic background\/origin of the perpetrators, thus constructing alarmist narratives that villainize and alienate migrant communities.<\/p>\n<p>Similarly, AfD board member Dennis Hohloch claimed that \u201cmulticulturalism means a loss of traditions, a loss of identity, a loss of home, murder, killing, robbery and gang rape\u201d (Baumg\u00e4rtner et al., 2025). Scrinzi (2023) refers to a political and social process called \u201cthe racialization of sexism\u201d through which misogyny is ascribed to racialized migrant communities and is therefore externalized and treated as an issue of foreign origins. While predominantly employed by right-wing political actors, racialized gender-based framings have also been passively endorsed by left-wing movements and secular groups. In France, for instance, the movement Ni Putes Ni Soumises (Neither Whores Nor Subaltern), dubbed progressive, played a crucial role in detaching gender-based violence from \u201cmiddle-class white masculinity\u201d (Scrinzi, 2023, p. 48). Despite it being spearheaded by French women of North African origins, the movement\u2019s framing of sexual violence against women as a problem associated with Islam and the nation\u2019s immigrant population greatly helped construct a narrative positioning racialized men as the hypersexualized aggressors of white women and the inherent oppressors of racialized women (Scrinzi, 2023, p. 49). Such accounts revive the ideological frameworks that colonial powers once used to rationalize territorial conquest and economic extraction of goods from the Global South. By failing to address gendered suburban violence as a multifaceted systemic issue and choosing to pathologize Islam instead, the Ni Putes Ni Soumises movement engages in a form of \u201ccarceral feminism\u201d used by the republic to justify state racism and fortify the racist apparatus of the prison-industrial complex. The NPNS\u2019s call for banning the veil is a prominent example of how femonationalist movements, emerging from Western feminisms, often reproduce racist and neoliberal narratives that either victimize or pathologize Muslim women (Farris, 2017, p. 62).<\/p>\n<h4>Far-right pro-natalism and women as \u201cbreeding machines\u201d<\/h4>\n<p>The racialization of sexism constitutes a key element of the AfD\u2019s populist mobilization strategy, which allows it to adopt a feminism that claims to protect German women while actively supporting policies that undermine their basic rights, such as access to abortion. This dynamic is closely intertwined with far-right pro-natalist rhetoric, which treats women\u2019s bodies as reproductive tools tasked with \u201cresisting\u201d demographic change that is seen as a direct consequence of migration, thereby reducing women to agents of national preservation rather than autonomous rights-bearing individuals.<\/p>\n<p>A 2017 <a href=\"https:\/\/share.google\/yOk6KKncd9nH46H9Z\">campaign poster<\/a> for the AfD made a huge commotion nationwide due to its disturbing message; The poster features the image of a pregnant white woman lying in a field of flowers with a bold-fonted caption that reads: \u201c<em>Neue Deutsche? Machen wir selber<\/em> (More Germans? We\u2019ll make them ourselves).\u201d Critics have argued that this slogan was entrenched in the xenophobic nativist rhetoric, which deliberately excludes racialized communities from Germany\u2019s national fabric. However, few were able to point out the misogynistic undertones hidden in plain sight. Such language and imagery exposes a pattern within populist right-wing politics that reveals a strong commitment to a pro-natalism that treats women as \u201cbreeding machines\u201d for the \u201cright\u201d kind of citizens.<\/p>\n<p>AfD politician Mariana Harder-K\u00fchnel shared an official statement as a response to the German government\u2019s 2024 family report, criticizing its failure to address \u201ca long-known demographic crisis\u201d and its reverberations on the skilled-labor market which has been witnessing a severe shortage of domestic workers (Alternative f\u00fcr Deutschland, 2024). Harder-K\u00fchnel argues in favor of <em>kontrollierten Bev\u00f6lkerungsentwicklung liegen<\/em> (controlled population development), presenting it as a more potent cure for the country\u2019s economic and demographic woes than immigration ever was. Within this particular statement, Mariana Harder-K\u00fchnel strategically deploys a language of pseudo-feminist \u201cchoice\u201d that conveniently and suspiciously aligns with her imperative. Despite her insistence on the implementation of pro-choice-in-parenting policies, she fails to admit the coercive nature of her proposed measures she is suggesting (for example, the ban on abortion, promotion of the traditional family, and opposition to children\u2019s rights in the constitution).<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">The leveraging of traditionalist domestic ideals to nurture white supremacist and nativist agendas is inseparable from the gendered pro-natalist language that blames women for social decline, therefore coercing them into abandoning their natural right to reproductive choice.<\/aside>\n<p>The AfD\u2019s documented efforts of promoting familialism \u2013 a state-driven ideology that treats the nuclear family as the foundation of the national community and the main mechanism for social cohesion and welfare \u2013 and mobilizing post-feminist common sense narratives (Sprengholz, 2021) suggest that its pro-natalist agenda is inherently ideological and ethnonationalist in nature. This problematic language has been linked to the party\u2019s electoral success, particularly in East Germany which has experienced a dramatic long-term population decline since the 1990 reunification (H\u00f6hne et al., 2025). The party has been relentless in its efforts to advance traditionalism, fueled by a commitment to preventing demographic collapse and ensuring the dominance of the so called \u201cAryan\u201d race, a term so commonly misused that it has become synonymous with Nordic racial grouping, despite historically referring to ancient Indo-Iranian peoples. The leveraging of traditionalist domestic ideals to nurture white supremacist and nativist agendas is inseparable from the gendered pro-natalist language that blames women for social decline, therefore coercing them into abandoning their natural right to reproductive choice. While online discourse around reproductive health seems to be primarily focused on the United States, pro-natalist ideas in Germany stem from the party\u2019s proper ideological evolution and the country\u2019s homegrown <em>v\u00f6lkisch<\/em> (folkish\/ethnic) nationalism (Heinemann, 2022). Pro-natalism comprises political, religious, and socioeconomic pressures that undermine women\u2019s reproductive autonomy and freedom of choice, often culminating in legislative restrictions on contraception and abortion access (Bajaj &amp; Stade, 2022). It is no surprise therefore that right-wing factions often adopt the infamous alarmist \u201cfertility crisis\u201d narrative to push for more control on women\u2019s bodies.<\/p>\n<h4>Conclusion<\/h4>\n<p>The AfD\u2019s rhetoric and actions push the boundaries of Western democracy and free speech and confirm the significance of language in politics, yet femonationalism extends far beyond German populist politics. Radical-right populism heavily relies on antagonistic framing and the strategic invocation of gender, which allows politicians to align themselves ideologically with their target audience, or at the very least to shift public discourse, normalize racist rhetoric, and strongly dominate the media landscape.<\/p>\n<h3>Works Cited<\/h3>\n<p>Alternative f\u00fcr Deutschland. (2025, October 28). <em>Alice Weidel: Immer mehr Frauen leben in Angst \u2013 Die AfD ist bereit Sicherheit wieder herzustellen<\/em>. Alternative F\u00fcr Deutschland. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.afd.de\/alice-weidel-immer-mehr-frauen-leben-in-angst-die-afd-ist-bereit-sicherheit-wieder-herzustellen\/\">https:\/\/www.afd.de\/alice-weidel-immer-mehr-frauen-leben-in-angst-die-afd-ist-bereit-sicherheit-wieder-herzustellen\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Alternative f\u00fcr Deutschland. (2024, May 15). <em>Mariana Harder-K\u00fchnel: Familienreport 2024 enth\u00e4lt kein Konzept zur L\u00f6sung des Geburtenmangels und der Demografie-Katastrophe.<\/em> Alternative F\u00fcr Deutschland. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.afd.de\/mariana-harder-kuehnel-familienreport-2024-enthaelt-kein-konzept-zur-loesung-des-geburtenmangels-und-der-demografie-katastrophe\/\">https:\/\/www.afd.de\/mariana-harder-kuehnel-familienreport-2024-enthaelt-kein-konzept-zur-loesung-des-geburtenmangels-und-der-demografie-katastrophe\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Arzheimer, K. (2015). The AfD: Finally a Successful Right-Wing Populist Eurosceptic Party for Germany? <em>West European Politics<\/em>, 38(3), 535\u2013556. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/01402382.2015.1004230\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/01402382.2015.1004230<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Bajaj, N., &amp; Stade, K. (2022). Challenging pronatalism is key to advancing reproductive rights and a sustainable population. <em>The Journal of Population and Sustainability<\/em>, 7(1), 39\u201370. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.3197\/jps.63799953906861\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.3197\/jps.63799953906861<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Baumg\u00e4rtner, M., M\u00fcller, A., Siemens, A., &amp; Wiedmann-Schmidt, W. (2025, May 14). Compendium of Extremism: A Look inside the Report Documenting the AfD\u2019s Right-Wing Radicalism. <em>DER SPIEGEL, Hamburg, Germany.<\/em> <a href=\"https:\/\/www.spiegel.de\/international\/germany\/compendium-of-extremism-a-look-inside-the-report-documenting-the-afds-right-wing-radicalism-a-de2ab5b5-623e-4100-addb-d1e44c298305\">https:\/\/www.spiegel.de\/international\/germany\/compendium-of-extremism-a-look-inside-the-report-documenting-the-afds-right-wing-radicalism-a-de2ab5b5-623e-4100-addb-d1e44c298305<\/a> b<\/p>\n<p>Doerr, N. (2021). The Visual Politics of the Alternative for Germany (AfD): Anti-Islam, Ethno-Nationalism, and Gendered Images. <em>Social Sciences<\/em>, 10(1), 20. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.3390\/socsci10010020\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.3390\/socsci10010020<\/a><\/p>\n<p>European Parliament. (2024, September 13). <em>2024 European elections: 15 additional seats divided between 12 countries | News | European Parliament.<\/em> <a href=\"https:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/news\/en\/press-room\/20230911IPR04910\/2024-european-elections-15-additional-seats-divided-between-12-countries\">https:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/news\/en\/press-room\/20230911IPR04910\/2024-european-elections-15-additional-seats-divided-between-12-countries<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Fangen, K., &amp; Lichtenberg, L. (2021). Gender and family rhetoric on the German far right. <em>Patterns of Prejudice<\/em>, 55(1), 71\u201393. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/0031322X.2021.1898815\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/0031322X.2021.1898815<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Farris, S. R. (2017). <em>In the Name of Women\u2019s Rights: The Rise of Femonationalism.<\/em> Duke University Press.<\/p>\n<p>Heinemann, I. (2022). Volk and Family: National Socialist legacies and gender concepts in the rhetoric of the Alternative for Germany. <em>Journal of Modern European History, 20<\/em>(3), 371\u2013388. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/16118944221110713\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/16118944221110713<\/a><\/p>\n<p>H\u00f6hne, B., K\u00f6lzer, J., &amp; Tr\u00e4ger, H. (2025). Geography of Shrinkage: Local Population Decline and Electoral Support for the Anti-establishment Parties AfD and BSW in East German State Elections. <em>German Politics, 34<\/em>(3), 449\u2013477. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/09644008.2025.2489409\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/09644008.2025.2489409<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Porzycki, V., Oshri, O., &amp; Shenhav, S. R. (2025). What you see is not what you get: The incorporation of women in radical right parties. <em>European Union Politics, 26<\/em>(3), 477\u2013500. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/14651165251340336\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/14651165251340336<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Scrinzi, F. (2023). The Racialization of Sexism. <em>Routledge<\/em>. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.perlego.com\/book\/4270023\">https:\/\/www.perlego.com\/book\/4270023<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Sprengholz, M. (2021). Post-feminist German heartland: On the women\u2019s rights narrative of the radical-right populist party Alternative f\u00fcr Deutschland in the Bundestag. <em>European Journal of Women\u2019s Studies, 28<\/em>(4), 486-501. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/13505068211007509\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/13505068211007509<\/a> (Original work published 2021)<\/p>\n<p>Statista. (2025, November 29). <em>Share of women among political party members in Germany 2021.<\/em> <a href=\"https:\/\/www.statista.com\/statistics\/955972\/women-share-political-party-members-germany\/?srsltid=AfmBOooYDhCC25ugDxGodJBVoMKgVeAutFUSDA4IqRS4lnwnpqRK5Bd7\">https:\/\/www.statista.com\/statistics\/955972\/women-share-political-party-members-germany\/?srsltid=AfmBOooYDhCC25ugDxGodJBVoMKgVeAutFUSDA4IqRS4lnwnpqRK5Bd7<\/a><\/p>\n<p>T\u00f6rnberg, P., &amp; Chueri, J. (2025). When Do Parties Lie? Misinformation and Radical-Right Populism Across 26 Countries. <em>The International Journal of Press\/Politics, 0<\/em>(0). <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/19401612241311886\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/19401612241311886<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Vieten, U. M. (2025). The Far-Right, Gender In\/Equalities and Liberal Feminism: Scrutinising EU Narratives of Gender Equality in Italy, France and Germany. <em>Journal of Intercultural Studies,<\/em> 1\u201317. <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/07256868.2025.2592306\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/07256868.2025.2592306<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Weidel, A. (2024, November 20). Alice Weidel: Migrationskrise macht Frauen zu Freiwild. <em>presseportal.de<\/em>. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.presseportal.de\/pm\/110332\/5913293\">https:\/\/www.presseportal.de\/pm\/110332\/5913293<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Zajak, S., Meuth, A., &amp; Best, F. (2025). The Dynamics of (De-)Normalization of the far Right: perceptions in the German population. <em>International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society.<\/em> <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1007\/s10767-025-09532-6\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1007\/s10767-025-09532-6<\/a><\/p>\n<hr class=\"half\" \/>\n<p><small><em>Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.tempestmag.org\/about\/\">About Tempest Collective<\/a>.\u201d<\/em><\/small><br \/>\n<small>Featured Image credit: <a href=\"https:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:2017-04-23_AfD_Bundesparteitag_in_K%C3%B6ln_-32.jpg\">Olaf Kosinsky<\/a>; modified by Tempest.<\/small><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Aya Anzouk<\/strong> analyzes the weaponization of feminism in right-wing populist movements, specifically in the influential Alternative f\u00fcr Deutschland (AfD).<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":461,"featured_media":14863,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[64,127,232],"class_list":["post-14857","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-article","tag-far-right","tag-feminism","tag-germany"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/05\/Copy-of-tempest_feature_card-51.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14857","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/461"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14857"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14857\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/14863"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14857"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14857"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14857"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}