{"id":13724,"date":"2025-02-27T00:00:49","date_gmt":"2025-02-27T05:00:49","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/?p=13724"},"modified":"2025-03-06T21:12:15","modified_gmt":"2025-03-07T02:12:15","slug":"each-blow-against-oppression-advances-us-all","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2025\/02\/each-blow-against-oppression-advances-us-all\/","title":{"rendered":"Each blow against oppression advances us all"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span class=\"dropcap\">M<\/span>ake no mistake, the Trump administration\u2019s attacks on diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives are an attempt to discredit the project of antiracism as such.<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These attacks represent a further intensification of the U.S. capitalist class and state\u2019s war on the existing Left, on emergent left-wing possibility, and, most crucially, on the already heterogenous working class.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Trump\u2019s <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.whitehouse.gov\/fact-sheets\/2025\/01\/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-takes-forceful-and-unprecedented-steps-to-combat-anti-semitism\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">threat<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to deport millions, including international activists, and especially university students, who\u2019ve supported the Palestine solidarity movement speaks for itself. So, too, do the virulent and sweeping <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.whitehouse.gov\/presidential-actions\/2025\/01\/defending-women-from-gender-ideology-extremism-and-restoring-biological-truth-to-the-federal-government\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">attacks on trans and gender non-conforming folks<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. These seek not only to deny healthcare, legitimizing the U.S. status quo of material disinvestment in social reproduction for all working class people, but also to police our bodies and our gender expression so as to reinforce the bounds of <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/viewpointmag.com\/2015\/10\/31\/the-social-reproduction-of-sexuality-an-interview-with-alan-sears\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">hetero- and homonormativity<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Even Trump\u2019s offensive against what are intentionally limited D.E.I. initiatives is not just about dismantling this or that program. It is an effort to consolidate the current <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2022\/05\/j-d-vance-replacement-theory-and-the-2022-u-s-elections\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">racial regime <\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">of U.S. capitalism.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Adopting and militarizing the very identitarian language that he supposedly rejects, Trump is seeking to roll back even the minor and already strictly limited concessions that have been wrung from the U.S. capitalist state. These were not beneficent gifts handed down by philanthropists; they were the products of years of struggle.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But it\u2019s not just that the Trump administration is seeking to discredit any and all struggles against exploitation and oppression and to rev up the authoritarian capacities and reach of the capitalist state. The blatant targeting of immigrants, queer and trans folks, and those who are racially oppressed, reveals that, whatever its internal divisions, one of this administration\u2019s most coherent projects is to displace the crises endemic to capitalism onto already vulnerable populations. The problem, Trump is attempting to tell exploited U.S. workers, is not capitalism and its all-consuming, socially destructive prioritization of profitability above all else. Rather, it\u2019s those supposedly <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2025\/01\/trump-the-right-and-the-broader-anti-trans-reaction\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">undeserving sections of the proletariat<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> that are the problem, or left-wing forces that have compromised the security of the U.S. working class with their calls for equality. Such an argument is as old as capitalism itself.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">The only way for the Left to respond to this all-out assault on both equality and the forces fighting for it is to return to the I.W.W. credo that an injury to one is an injury to all.<\/aside>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The only way for the Left to respond to this all-out assault on both equality and the forces fighting for it is to return to the I.W.W. credo that an injury to one is an injury to all. We have to make clear, in the streets and in our workplaces, that we\u2019ll fight like hell against attempts to roll back the gains, however limited, that movements against oppression and exploitation have exacted from the U.S. capitalist class and state.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But just as importantly, we also have to fight like hell against any and all attempts to divide the working class against itself. As good socialists, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.marxists.org\/archive\/marx\/works\/1870\/letters\/70_04_09.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">including Marx<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, have long understood and argued, this means we must not only struggle for so-called universal programs\u2014for higher wages, healthcare for all, affordable housing, and the like\u2014but also strenuously struggle against those forms of oppression that legitimize inequality within the working class and between workers. This struggle can\u2019t be waged in the abstract. It has to be concrete. It means fighting not just against division but <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">for <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">race- and gender-specific demands and <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">for<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> other targeted groups. Such struggles have to be at the center of any socialist politics that takes self-emancipation seriously.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<h4><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Class reductionism <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">redux<\/span><\/i><\/h4>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Strangely, though, some self-described U.S. socialistst have been less than critical, even disturbingly celebratory, of what they take to be Trump\u2019s war on \u201cidentity politics.\u201d And they\u2019ve made quite a splash in the capitalist press. For example, a recent <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">New York Times<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u2019 <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2025\/02\/06\/business\/economy\/trump-dei-democrats-left-unions.html\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">article<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> quotes Bhaskar Sunkara, describing himself as \u201cdefinitely happy\u201d about the fact that D.E.I. initiatives and policies are \u201cburied for now.\u201d Another stalwart of the electoralist Left, Vivek Chibber, takes a more rhetorically nuanced path that ultimately ends up stranded in the same place. In a recent <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/jacobin.com\/2025\/01\/elite-identity-politics-professional-class\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">interview<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, Chibber says that the \u201cLeft should very aggressively and actively fight against social domination of any kind\u201d but also that we should focus on class-wide demands <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">over and above<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> fighting against forms of social oppression. Chibber argues that this or that fight against racism at this or that workplace\u2014say, for example, a fight against racialized pay disparities at Walmart\u2014is too small and a distraction from class-wide demands. The Left should instead be most engaged in pursuing a big-picture politics that argues for broad \u201ceconomic redistribution.\u201d It\u2019s not that overcoming disparities doesn\u2019t matter, Chibber argues, speaking out of both sides of his mouth, but rather that such concerns are really \u201cmost important to and for elite sections of minority populations.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It\u2019s not just that these arguments are logically weak but also that they are, at the level of strategy, disastrous. Why can\u2019t we fight against disparities and for class-wide demands? Couldn\u2019t workers organized in a rank-and-file union movement do both? And isn\u2019t doing both\u2014as a matter of successful organizing\u2014essential to accomplishing either?\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These arguments emerge from, and attempt to justify, the class-reductionist Left\u2019s\u00a0 commitment to a failed strategy and a utopian conception of both the Democratic Party and the capitalist state. But, if our task as socialists is to help build a militant movement of workers and the oppressed that can not only push back on Trump\u2019s attacks but also win substantive material change, this strategy is suicidal. It trades the task of building a solidaristic, unified, and militant workers\u2019 movement and Left, ready to take on capitalists and the capitalist state, for capitulation both to capitalism\u2019s rules of \u201cgood\u201d political behavior and, by extension, to the gender and racial oppression capitalism generates.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Arguments for class reductionism rest on the opportunistic, intentional, bad-faith conflation of hollow liberal identity politics with <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">all <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">struggles for race- and gender-specific demands. In this narrative, there is no real distance between, for example, (socialist-)feminist struggles against misogyny, both within the working-class and social movements and in the wider social world; <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/depts.washington.edu\/dock\/mcs_desegregation.shtml\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">struggles<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> on the part of multi-racial labor militants to desegregate unions and workplaces; and something like Hillary Clinton\u2019s much-quoted statement that breaking up the big banks won\u2019t end racism and sexism.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This conflation has nothing to do with ignorance. Rather, it is a purposeful obfuscation. It allow the electoralist Left to blame the utter failure of their strategy on an \u201cidentity-obsessed\u201d Left or an \u201cidentity-obsessed\u201d electorate that can be easily bought off with empty platitudes. This keeps working people and social movements, they argue, from uniting behind broad social and economic programs.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Take Chibber\u2019s analysis of Harris\u2019 devastating loss to Trump. Though Harris \u201csteered clear of\u201d identity politics, Chibber writes, \u201cthe party has been propagating it in a very aggressive way over the past six or eight years. So dropping it at the eleventh hour didn\u2019t fool anyone.\u201d In a very similar post-election piece, Sunkara <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/inthesetimes.com\/article\/socialism-economic-populism-democrats-harris-trump\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">calls<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> on the Left to undertake \u201ca thorough rejection of identity politics in favor of a universal appeal that has the same popular message for people from all backgrounds.\u201d Sunkara follows this up by rejecting what he describes as \u201cmaximalist\u201d demands, \u201clike police abolition.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">From a purely class-reductionist standpoint, we might ask why socialists are being asked to support, or even to just shut up about the necessity of abolishing, state-funded strikebreakers? What about, one must ask, ending U.S. support for the Israeli ethnostate and its ethnic cleansing of Palestinians? Aren\u2019t calls for the end of U.S. imperialism, the development of international working-class solidarity, and the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2024\/12\/borders-are-prisons-and-prisons-are-borders\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">abolition of the borders<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> that constrain self-determination and legitimize the criminalization of migrants similarly maximalist according to Sunkara\u2019s sense of the term? In periods when mass struggle ebbs, and when the majority of workers see themselves, by and large, as individual sellers of labor power, dependent and powerless, aren\u2019t calls for strikes, stoppages, and even unionization similarly <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.leftvoice.org\/on-the-labor-aristocracy-a-reply-to-jason-koslowski\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">maximalist<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">? By this logic, shouldn\u2019t we all just give up on socialism?\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, during moments of mass disruptive struggle on the part of workers and oppressed people, those demands that originally seemed so maximalist and divisive often appear much more practical. As millions took to the streets during the anti-racist uprising of 2020, Haley Pessin <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2021\/02\/defund-the-police\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">reminds<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> us, \u201can astounding 54% of Americans felt the burning of a police station in Minneapolis was \u2018justified\u2019 or \u2018partially justified.\u2019\u201d And, though neither Chibber nor Sunkara discuss this, Harris\u2019 unwavering support for Israel\u2019s assault on Palestinians\u2014which could be read as an electorally practical and non-maximalist position\u2014was a <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.dropsitenews.com\/p\/kamala-harris-gaza-israel-biden-election-poll\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">massive<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> thorn in the side of her campaign, driving many from the polls. This was not a problem of Harris\u2019 inadequate attempt to distance herself from liberal identity politics. It was a recognition, on the part of many in the U.S., that the Democrats\u2019 rhetorical commitment to basic democratic rights and equality cannot be taken seriously.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Any strategy that links winning real material gains for working and oppressed people to the election of members of a pro-imperialist and pro-capitalist political party like the Democrats is bound to lose. The Democratic Party is a force of capitalist discipline, a mechanism of reinforcement rather than possible realignment. But the bugbear of \u201cidentity politics,\u201d as the electoralist Left mobilizes it, covers all sins. It was the Party\u2019s turn to identity politics, we\u2019re told, and the gullibility of the divisive dupes who fell for arguments like Clinton\u2019s, that lost Bernie Sanders the nomination in 2016, not the Democratic Party\u2019s intransigence or it\u2019s very structure, which, as <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/jacobin.com\/2017\/01\/democratic-party-campaign-fundraising-wasserman-schultz\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Kim Moody puts it<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, \u201chas been fortified against its rivals, external and internal.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">[T]he working class in all its diversity\u2026live their exploitation not on the fantasy terrain of the purely economic but rather in the real world, a world riven by racialized and gendered divisions that are just as real and material as the divisions between workers and bosses.<\/aside>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the other hand, when Kamala Harris or any other Democrat loses, the electoralist Left\u2014rather than investigating the structural impediments keeping the Democrats from offering any substantive challenge to the socio-material status quo\u2014can again blame identity politics. They claim that the divisiveness or maximalism of identity politics chases away some sort of abstract mass of working-class voters, sick to death of \u201cwokeness.\u201d This argument ignores the reality of the working class in all its diversity, whose members live their exploitation not on the fantasy terrain of the purely economic but rather in the real world, a world riven by racialized and gendered divisions that are just as real and material as the divisions between workers and bosses.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<h4><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cutting history to fit a model\u00a0<\/span><\/h4>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The class-reductionist consensus is that struggles against social oppression are particularly susceptible to \u201c<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.bostonreview.net\/articles\/olufemi-o-taiwo-identity-politics-and-elite-capture\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">elite capture,<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201d to being hijacked by the ruling class.\u00a0 But the phenomenon of elite capture is a byproduct of class struggle, an attempt by the ruling class to defang mass disruption by absorbing it and containing it within capital\u2019s rules of reproduction. There\u2019s nothing particularly new about it.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Throughout the long history of capitalism, the ruling class has often attempted to take credit for the progressive and egalitarian demands won, even in stunted form, by mass struggles of workers and oppressed people. And this has happened not only in relation to struggles against oppression but also in relation to struggles that Chibber, Sunkara, and others on the class-reductionist Left would no doubt describe as universal, class-wide, and non-identitarian.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In fact, in the first volume of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Capital <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Marx <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.marxists.org\/archive\/marx\/works\/1867-c1\/ch10.htm#S6\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">describes<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> this same process of elite capture and ruling-class cooptation in his discussion of the English working class\u2019s struggle for the enforceable legal limitation of the working day, After years of intense class struggle, \u201ca civil war of half a century,\u201d in Marx\u2019s words, the \u201cmasters from whom the legal limitation and regulation had been wrung step by step\u201d were more than happy to pass off the legally limited working day as their own philanthropic innovation. \u201cThe Pharisees of \u2018Political Economy,\u2019\u201d Marx sneers, \u201cnow proclaimed the discernment of the necessity of a legally fixed working-day.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The class-reductionist Left has spent very little time confronting or trying to make sense of these departures from its guidelines for good socialist politics. This is because their rejection of \u201cidentity politics\u201d is ultimately little more than a smokescreen. It is a convenient argument that allows for the preservation, in the face of clear historical evidence, of the utopian delusion that the Democratic Party and the capitalist state can be, in some way, captured by the working class and repurposed, incrementally, as a guarantor not of profitability but rather subsistence.\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Indeed, the models of capitalist history presented by the class-reductionist Left are consistently nostalgic for a non-existent past of, as they see it, capitalist state intervention. Thus, this section of the Left, because of their commitment to working within the capitalist state and the Democratic Party, actually falls for elite capture, reading the limited concessions of the capitalist state as a product of, in Chibber\u2019s words, having \u201ca voice inside the Democratic Party.\u201d <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is bad history. The Democratic Party is consistently where good struggle, be it against social oppression or for class-wide demands, goes to die. Recycling long-debunked interpretations of U.S. history, Chibber points to A. Philip Randolph, Bayard Rustin, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the CIO as bastions of anti-racism that were also broad and universalist. But it\u2019s clear that what he really means is that Randolph and Rustin subordinated themselves to the Democratic Party. But because of this, they ultimately failed to deliver on their most radical demands. Instead, the Party <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/newpol.org\/cedric-johnson-and-the-other-sixties-nostalgia\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">disciplined them<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As Moody notes, Randolph and Rustin\u2019s orientation toward the Democratic Party and the forces of official reformism \u201cwas never a class orientation.\u201d Rather, it was \u201can effort to make one of the nation\u2019s preeminent cross-class, bourgeois-dominated institutions stand in for actual working-class political organization and even for a social democratic politics the Democratic Party was incapable of adopting.\u201d It is important to note that, toward the end of his life, King was moving away from such a politics, not only calling for<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.bostonreview.net\/forum_response\/keeanga-yamahtta-taylor-pivot-class\/\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">mass<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u201cextralegal protests\u201d but also breaking with the Democratic Party by, for example, denouncing the Vietnam War. We even see King celebrating the mass disruptive action of urban uprisings, even if he finds them ultimately politically insufficient, in his posthumous \u201cA Testament of Hope.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Similarly, the CIO\u2019s <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/spectrejournal.com\/the-southern-key\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">failure<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to seriously build an anti-racist industrial unionism in the South\u2014obstructed mainly by the capitulation of the left-wing forces within it to a conservative, often racist leadership\u2014is one of the major factors in the now decades-long decline of the labor movement and the degeneration of its leadership into a sclerotic, often anti-democratic, bureaucracy.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Before this, the U.S. Communist Party ate itself from within by way of its adoption of the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/againstthecurrent.org\/atc063\/p2363\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Popular Front strategy,<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> which subordinated anti-racist organizing to the kinds of supposedly broad politics Chibber and Sunkara call for. The real motivation was not broad unity as such but rather a compact with so-called \u201cprogressive\u201d capitalists and the capitalist state. And the result was neither realignment nor meaningful reform but rather the self-subordination and eventual disintegration of the Left as an independent force capable of challenging the status quo through mass organization. As Moody<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2022\/12\/worker-insurgency-and-the-new-deal\/\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">points out<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, the gains of the New Deal era, often held aloft as the product of the working-class working within the Democratic Party, were really the result of years of mass struggle on the ground.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The class-reductionist Left loves, as E.P. Thompson would have it, to <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.marxists.org\/archive\/thompson-ep\/1965\/english.htm\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">cut history to fit a model<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. And, at the end of the day, their baggy, all-devouring conception of \u201cidentity politics\u201d is a convenient if shabbily constructed strawperson. It can be invoked to swallow up any and all forms of political involvement, no matter how deeply materialist their conceptions of oppression, that don\u2019t conform to their strategic model.\u00a0 This is why their arguments\u2014not that oppression doesn\u2019t exist, but that the social relations of oppression are, in fact, something other than they are and are best resisted by not resisting them in any direct way\u2014are so strange.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<h4><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The model is wrong<\/span><\/h4>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the class-reductionist model is wrong at every level.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Democratic Party is a reactionary force, not a progressive one. It seeks to maintain and extend U.S. imperialism and to preserve capitalism, not to take care of working and oppressed people. This is why it can only engage in a failed form of identity politics, which it attempts to pass off as the real thing. The better reading here is actually that, because of its unwavering commitment to capitalism, any party of capital and the capitalist state must necessarily fail when it comes to meeting demands for equality. Even the limited concessions that the class-reductionist Left lumps under the intentionally imprecise term of identity politics have been exacted through mass disruptive struggle precisely <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">against<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> the capitalist state and its supporters.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So-called identity-based forms of oppression aren\u2019t just free-floating contingencies. They\u2019re outgrowths of capitalism\u2019s turbulent dynamism, which continually reinforces the inequality not only between capitalists and workers but also within the working class. These forms of oppression are material. Contrary to popular opinion, capitalism does not homogenize. Rather, it <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2021\/07\/how-not-to-unite-a-class\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">differentiates<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, even within the working class.<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/brooklynrail.org\/2020\/10\/field-notes\/Beyond-Racial-Capitalism-Toward-A-Unified-Theory-of-Capitalism-and-Racial-Oppression\/\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Race and gender oppression<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, among other exploitations, are the socio-material relations that legitimate and explain the inequality that capitalism produces and must necessarily reproduce. Capitalists and the capitalist state have always relied on claims of difference to legitimize things like tiered labor forces, the supposedly inherent inability or inferiority of those members of the surplus population, disinvestment in social reproduction by way of organized abandonment, imperialist projects of dispossession and accumulation, and the like.<\/span><\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">When organizations of collective struggle have failed to seriously confront the real material divisions between working people, they\u2019ve failed to build fighting organizations capable of taking on the employers and the state.<\/aside>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When organizations of collective struggle have failed to seriously confront the real material divisions between working people, they\u2019ve failed to build fighting organizations capable of taking on the employers and the state. Michael Goldfield puts it <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/spectrejournal.com\/the-southern-key\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">plainly<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, in reference to the failure to organize the U.S. South in the 1930s and 1940s: \u201cthe issues of confronting white supremacy in all its various forms, and the subordination of women, and other excluded groups, both domestically and internationally, are a prerequisite for solidaristic struggle, and for the labor movement to become a \u2018tribune of the people.\u2019\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In arguing for some abstract solidarity and simply ignoring the real material divisions between working people, the class-reductionist Left misses this structural engine of class division. Chibber falls quite easily into this trap:\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Take wages, for example. You might see at the lower ends of the job market, say at Walmart, that blacks get lower wages than whites do. That\u2019s true. But if you solve that problem, will it take care of the quality of life and the life opportunities for black Americans or Latinos? If you move them from, say, $13 an hour to what whites are getting, which is, say, $15 an hour, will it solve the problem? Well, it makes it better, but it absolutely doesn\u2019t solve the problem.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Instead of struggling to upend such racialized disparities, Chibber maintains, the Left should be focusing on winning broad social programs. But why the exclusivity? Doesn\u2019t the ability of the Left to constitute itself as a fighting force depend upon its ability to maintain solidarity, to kick against the differentiation that capital uses to divide it and that workers, when class struggle seems impossible, use to argue for their own advantage over other workers?\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If the horizon here is the beneficent gift of broad social programs by way of Bernie Sanders or the Squad or some other force within the Democratic Party or the capitalist state, then organizing workers able to push back on inequality legitimized by way of racial and gender oppression doesn\u2019t much matter. But this conception of winning concessions is utopian and elitist, and that\u2019s precisely the problem. Mass disruptive struggle and, even more importantly, its extension and preservation, even in lean times, means developing a militant working-class that fights for itself and rejects those forces used to divide it\u2014not by simply ignoring them but by seeking to actively root them out at every level.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<h4><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Struggles against oppression as class struggle\u00a0<\/span><\/h4>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Struggles against oppression cannot be separated from or merely added on to class struggle. They are constituent of it and must therefore be taken up with real militancy by the Left. We should understand struggles against identity-based oppression as struggles against capital\u2019s socio-material relations. When these struggles don\u2019t conceive of their demands as such, the Left should be there, involved and committed, to advance a totalizing theory of capitalist social relations that situates oppression as an inevitable outgrowth of capitalist inequality.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The struggles that have surged forth in the last few years and offered real glimmers of possibility are not only those confined to a reductive conception of the economic. The George Floyd uprising in 2020\u2014perhaps the largest movement in U.S. history, turning out over 20 million people into the streets\u2014<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">offered real glimpses of militant possibility. But the largest forces of the organized Left in the U.S. were largely absent, focusing instead on electing Democrats. What allowed for the momentum and possibilities of the largest social movement in U.S. history to be absorbed by the logic of lesser-evilism in 2020 was precisely the organized Left\u2019s commitment to working within the Democratic Party.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Donald Trump\u2019s recent barrage of executive orders\u2014which have targeted workers, immigrants, queer and trans folks, women, and those who are racially oppressed\u2014give lie to the fact that struggles against oppression can either be tabled in favor of class-wide demands or somehow fought indirectly. Trump\u2019s election is the result not only of the failure of the Democratic Party but also the disorganization of the U.S. Left, which couldn\u2019t bring itself to offer any meaningful alternative. After years of capitulation and self-subordination, the Left must reject calls to work within the capitalist state and its supposedly progressive Party, the Democrats, and start building meaningful and militant resistance on the ground.\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Arguments for strategic class reductionism cover over the reality of working-class division. And they also displace the hope that can emerge from building a working-class that can attack this division head on, by fighting against it in the streets and in the workplace. This is why Tempest sees struggles against oppression not just as something to be added into, or left off of, class struggle but rather as constitutive of it. This resistance will only be built by way of a rejection of any and all forms of oppression and domination, which is the bedrock of working-class solidarity.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<hr class=\"half\">\n<p><small><em>Featured Image Credit:<a href=\u201chttps:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:Worker-student-solidarity.jpg#\/media\/File:Worker-student-solidarity.jpg\u201d>Image by Madhushree1984<\/a> modified by Tempest.<\/em><\/small><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p> The <strong>Tempest National Committee <\/strong>argues that struggles against oppression are an essential part of class struggle and charts a political alternative that rejects the dead-end of class reductionism. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":344,"featured_media":13726,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4,13],"tags":[204,24,226],"class_list":["post-13724","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-article","category-editorial","tag-class-reductionism","tag-editorial","tag-socialist-strategy"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/02\/syrian_revolution_thumbnail-9-1.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13724","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/344"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13724"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13724\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/13726"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13724"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13724"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13724"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}