{"id":12595,"date":"2024-03-08T00:26:51","date_gmt":"2024-03-08T05:26:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.tempestmag.org\/v01_2020\/staging\/?p=12595"},"modified":"2024-03-18T23:22:16","modified_gmt":"2024-03-19T03:22:16","slug":"the-john-brown-way-part-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2024\/03\/the-john-brown-way-part-2\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cThe John Brown way\u201d part 2"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span class=\"dropcap\">T<\/span>he Fugitive Slave Act passed in 1850. The Constitution already allowed private individuals to pursue escaped captives into the North, but the new law created federal forces to do the job. It also forced local officials to get involved and suspended <em>habeas corpus<\/em>\u2014the right to appear in court to challenge one\u2019s detention. This law threatened all the operations of the Underground Railroad, and it put free Black people at risk of simply being kidnapped. It also sparked an exodus into Canada; the law was <em>ex post facto<\/em>, so in theory, those who had escaped slavery years or decades before could be snatched back into captivity.<span title='Quarles 199\u2013200.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>1<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Quarles 199\u2013200.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>New vigilance committees sprang up all over the North. In Springfield, where John Brown still did business, there was no vigilance committee, so he initiated one. This was an armed all-Black group of 44 people called the League of Gileadites. On Brown\u2019s advice, the group included women. He mentioned Cinque to the members\u2014and the idea that Black courage and self-assertion would win more sympathy and respect than any tales of Black suffering. Like David Walker, Brown believed that whites would never treat Black people as equals if Black people didn\u2019t stand up for themselves. Frederick Douglass recalled, from his first meeting with Brown in 1847: \u201cNo people he said could have self respect, or be respected, who would not fight for their freedom.\u201d<span title='League of Gileadites: Quarles 237. Gilead is the Biblical name for a region east of the Jordan River where Gideon led an army to free the Israelites from foreign rulers: Judges 6\u20138. One of many examples from Walker: \u201c[T]he Americans \u2026 are waiting for us to prove to them ourselves, that we are MEN, before they admit the fact\u201d (Walker, Hinks edition, 30). \u201cNo people could have self respect, or be respected \u2026\u201d: Douglass 2000, 280. In the same conversation with Douglass, Brown, like Walker, put this point in masculinist terms, saying Black people should learn to carry arms, \u201cas it would give them a sense of their manhood\u201d (280). Brown also said to the League of Gileadites, \u201cNothing so charms the American people as personal bravery\u201d: Reynolds 55.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>2<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>League of Gileadites: Quarles 237. Gilead is the Biblical name for a region east of the Jordan River where Gideon led an army to free the Israelites from foreign rulers: Judges 6\u20138. One of many examples from Walker: \u201c[T]he Americans \u2026 are waiting for us to prove to them ourselves, that we are MEN, before they admit the fact\u201d (Walker, Hinks edition, 30). \u201cNo people could have self respect, or be respected \u2026\u201d: Douglass 2000, 280. In the same conversation with Douglass, Brown, like Walker, put this point in masculinist terms, saying Black people should learn to carry arms, \u201cas it would give them a sense of their manhood\u201d (280). Brown also said to the League of Gileadites, \u201cNothing so charms the American people as personal bravery\u201d: Reynolds 55.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>The abolitionist minority was becoming galvanized and more radical.<\/p>\n<p>Next came the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854. Back in 1820, the Missouri Compromise had drawn a line and said that there would be no slave states admitted to the north of it. The new law left the issue of slavery up to the settlers in the territories north of Oklahoma. This set up conditions for civil war in the Kansas Territory. Heavily armed people from Missouri crossed into Kansas. These people, known as Border Ruffians, fixed an election in the territory and created a pro-slavery government.<span title='Border Ruffians and rigged election: Reynolds 140\u201341.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>3<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Border Ruffians and rigged election: Reynolds 140\u201341.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">Brown believed that whites would never treat Black people as equals if Black people didn\u2019t stand up for themselves.<\/aside>\n<p>In the North, abolitionists and land-hungry settlers created emigration committees to send \u201cfree state\u201d supporters to the Kansas Territory. These people founded Lawrence, Kansas. A lot of the free-staters were racists who wanted a state <em>free of Black people<\/em>, but some pretty hard-core abolitionists went as well\u2014including radicals from Ohio.<span title='Founding of Lawrence, and Ohio radicalism: Gridley 151.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>4<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Founding of Lawrence, and Ohio radicalism: Gridley 151.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>In the fall of 1854, five of John Brown\u2019s sons set up a homestead known as Brown\u2019s Station south of Lawrence along the Pottawatomie River. That fall, John Brown Jr. became the leader of the Pottawatomie Rifles, a new group of one hundred free-state men.<\/p>\n<p>John Sr. stayed in North Elba, but he asked his family and his Black neighbors and allies where they thought he could best serve the interest of Black equality. They told him to go to Kansas. He arrived in late 1855 with a wagon full of weapons as John Jr. had requested. In Kansas, if not before, Brown Sr. became known as \u201cthe Old Man,\u201d perhaps to distinguish him from his son\u2014perhaps also because his age made him stand out among the free-staters in the territory.<span title='Brown consults on whether he should go to Kansas: Reynolds 133\u201335. Wagonload of weapons: Oates 93.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>5<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Brown consults on whether he should go to Kansas: Reynolds 133\u201335. Wagonload of weapons: Oates 93.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>The Border Ruffians were constantly intimidating free-staters and murdering them here and there. The leadership for the violence came from the top. After the Kansas-Nebraska Act, Missouri Senator David Rice Atchison wrote to U.S. Secretary of War Jefferson Davis:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>We will before six months rolls around have the Devil to play in Kansas. We are organizing to meet their organization. We will be compelled to shoot burn and hang, but the thing will soon be over.<span title='Gridley 150.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>6<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Gridley 150.<\/span><\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>The free-staters were not aggressive as a rule. Things escalated in May of 1856 when a large band of armed Ruffians marched into Lawrence, destroyed several important buildings, looted others, and drove out the residents\u2014who put up no resistance.<span title='Reynolds 157.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>7<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Reynolds 157.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_12597\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-12597\" style=\"width: 1000px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12597 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Kansas-map-composite.jpg\" alt=\"Multicolored map of eastern Kansas, showing multiple Indian reservations and key rivers and towns. Inset drawings depict a rectangular four-story building and the same building in ruins.\" width=\"1000\" height=\"650\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Kansas-map-composite.jpg 1000w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Kansas-map-composite-300x195.jpg 300w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Kansas-map-composite-768x499.jpg 768w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Kansas-map-composite-600x390.jpg 600w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-12597\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Detail from an 1856 map of eastern Kansas. Colored sections indicate Indian reservations. The Missouri border is to the right. Near the center is the site of \u201cBrown\u2019s Station\u201d at Osawatomie, along the Pottawatomie River. Inset are two images included from another part of the map\u2014\u201cbefore\u201d and \u201cafter\u201d pictures of the main hotel in Lawrence, destroyed by \u201cborder ruffians\u201d from Missouri in May 1856. Original map by <a href=\"https:\/\/www.davidrumsey.com\/luna\/servlet\/detail\/RUMSEY~8~1~2305~190068:Map-Of-Eastern-Kansas-By-E-B--Whitm#\">A.D. Searl and E.B. Whitman<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>By coincidence\u2014one day later in Washington\u2014Senator Preston Brooks of South Carolina took offense to an earlier speech by the abolitionist Senator Charles Sumner. Brooks beat him senseless with a cane on the floor of the Senate. News of the assault may have reached Kansas by telegraph.<span title='One of Brown\u2019s sons said later that news of the Sumner beating had come by telegraph (Reyolds note to 161, with no attribution of which son).' class='inline-footnote' style=''>8<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>One of Brown\u2019s sons said later that news of the Sumner beating had come by telegraph (Reyolds note to 161, with no attribution of which son).<\/span><\/span> The Old Man resolved to take action to reverse the tide of pro-slavery terror. He declared:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>Something is <em>going to be done now<\/em>. We must show by actual work that there are two sides to this thing and that they cannot go on with impunity.<span title='John Brown Jr., quoted at Reynolds 158.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>9<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>John Brown Jr., quoted at Reynolds 158.<\/span><\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Two nights later, Brown led some volunteers from the Pottawatomie Rifles, who dragged five pro-slavery bullies out of their beds and killed them. Brown\u2019s views about Cinque suggest that he wasn\u2019t bloodthirsty for its own sake, but the Pottawatomie massacre showed that he knew the use of terror in the right context.<span title='Bullies: Reynolds 166.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>10<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Bullies: Reynolds 166.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>There was a lot of outrage following the attack and some retaliation, but the Ruffians left the neighborhood and Brown began to draw a following of white radicals.<span title='Ruffians left: Reynolds 175. Brown\u2019s following increased: Gridley 155.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>11<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Ruffians left: Reynolds 175. Brown\u2019s following increased: Gridley 155.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>In the same year of 1856, Brown led free-staters in two battles that were a bit more conventional than the Pottawatomie attack. They both involved dozens of fighters on both sides. He lost his son Frederick in one of those battles, but they made John Brown a name in the national press, including through at least one account that he wrote himself. Two of Brown\u2019s Kansas comrades\u2014James Redpath, who published the first biography of Brown in 1860, and John H. Kagi, Brown\u2019s \u201cSecretary of War\u201d at Harper\u2019s Ferry\u2014also sent newspaper dispatches covering the fight in Kansas.<span title='Brown wrote about the Battle of Black Jack in the New-York Daily Tribune (on July 11, 1856\u2014see Brown et al). Redpath also wrote for the Tribune (Reynolds 183), and Kagi was Kansas correspondent for the National Era (Gridley 151, note 16). Both were abolitionist papers.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>12<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Brown wrote about the Battle of Black Jack in the New-York Daily Tribune (on July 11, 1856\u2014see Brown et al). Redpath also wrote for the Tribune (Reynolds 183), and Kagi was Kansas correspondent for the National Era (Gridley 151, note 16). Both were abolitionist papers.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<h4>Preparing the raid<\/h4>\n<p>In the next year, Brown made a speaking tour of the East, where he asked for money to send guns to Kansas. He emphasized the battles and didn\u2019t mention the massacre. He was well received, but he didn\u2019t get many contributions.<\/p>\n<p>The Transcendentalists around Concord, Massachusetts, including Henry David Thoreau and Ralph Waldo Emerson, really liked him. They had been conservative abolitionists, and rather racist, but they were affected by the radicalizing events of the decade. The infamous Dred Scott decision, for example, was released in the month when Brown was visiting Concord. Scott, originally enslaved in Missouri, had sued for his freedom once he had traveled with his owner through the \u201cfree\u201d state of Illinois, but the Supreme Court ruled 7-2 that the Constitution and federal law never intended Black people to be U.S. citizens\u2014and therefore that Scott had no legal \u201cstanding\u201d to pursue an appeal in federal court. In the court\u2019s majority opinion, Chief Justice Roger Taney wrote that Black people were \u201cso far inferior, that they had no rights that the white man was bound to respect.\u201d Upon meeting John Brown, Emerson and Thoreau thought that he was the principled man of action that they had imagined philosophically. But they didn\u2019t give any real money, either.<span title='The Dred Scott case: James 52\u201355. Two weeks before Brown\u2019s execution, Emerson said in a speech: \u201cI said John Brown was an idealist. He believed in his ideas to that extent that he existed to put them all into action\u201d (Emerson 1859). Dred Scott case decided during Brown\u2019s Concord visit: Reynolds 228.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>13<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>The Dred Scott case: James 52\u201355. Two weeks before Brown\u2019s execution, Emerson said in a speech: \u201cI said John Brown was an idealist. He believed in his ideas to that extent that he existed to put them all into action\u201d (Emerson 1859). Dred Scott case decided during Brown\u2019s Concord visit: Reynolds 228.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>Brown was also meeting with Black abolitionists and discussing his plan for a strike into the South. The fundraising he was doing, supposedly for Kansas, was really to finance the raid. At least ten years before, Brown had revealed early versions of his plan to some Black activists, including Henry Highland Garnet and Frederick Douglass.<\/p>\n<p>Brown\u2019s plan called for strategically chosen raids that could allow dozens or hundreds of people to get North instead of ones and twos. In a coded letter pleading for funds from a potential backer, Brown wrote in 1858 that \u201cRail Road business on a <em>somewhat extended scale<\/em>, is the identical object for which I am trying to get means.\u201d Harriet Tubman was already making raids into Maryland and Virginia, but clandestinely and not with a plan to expand operations by recruiting new raiders from among the people they freed.<span title='\u201cRail Road business\u201d: letter to T. W. Higginson, Warch and Fanton 37. Recruiting new raiders from those they freed: Douglass 2000, 281 (describing the plan Brown laid out to him in 1847).' class='inline-footnote' style=''>14<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>\u201cRail Road business\u201d: letter to T. W. Higginson, Warch and Fanton 37. Recruiting new raiders from those they freed: Douglass 2000, 281 (describing the plan Brown laid out to him in 1847).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>Brown knew that armed raids could strike fear into the slaveholders and inspire the people who lived in slavery. He also thought that frequent raids and escapes could make slavery precarious economically and perhaps precipitate a political crisis. The aim never was to get into conventional battles with the army or militias. He also did not express the fantasy that his operations would provoke a general slave uprising. That couldn\u2019t happen without a much bigger upheaval\u2014a major shift in the balance of forces.<span title='Some writers do claim that Brown anticipated a general uprising (e.g. Reynolds 312\u201314), but this claim relies on dubious sources, including D.H. Strother\u2019s 1859 report in Harper\u2019s Weekly and claims in an 1858 letter written by Hugh Forbes\u2014the hired military trainer who betrayed Brown\u2019s attack plan to multiple individuals when he was dissatisfied with his pay. Forbes alleged that Brown \u201ccalculated he could get on the first night from 200 to 500 [Black people freed]\u201d of whom Brown would recruit a hundred to fight immediately. In contrast, an actual participant in the raid, Osborn Anderson, wrote in 1861 that Brown said during the raid that he was \u201cagreeably disappointed\u201d in the modest number of freedmen initially willing to take up arms. Brown added that he \u201cdid not expect one out of ten to be willing to fight.\u201d The idea of a general uprising wasn\u2019t included in the plan that Brown outlined to Frederick Douglass in 1847: Brown\u2019s plan \u201cdid not as some suppose, contemplate a general rising among the slaves, and a general slaughter of the slave masters. An insurrection he thought would only defeat the object, but his plan did contemplate the creating of an armed force that should act in the very heart of the south.\u201d Douglass 2000, 279\u201380.In 1859, two months before the raid, Brown tried to recruit Douglass. By then, Douglass wrote later, Brown \u201chad completely renounced his old plan.\u201d But the change that Douglass highlighted was the \u201ccapture\u201d of Harper\u2019s Ferry. He says nothing about Brown trying\u2014or expecting\u2014to incite a general uprising. Douglass 2000, 324.\nThe day after his capture, Brown was asked whether he expected a \u201cgeneral rising of the slaves.\u201d He replied, \u201cNo, sir; nor did I wish it. I expected to gather them up from time to time and set them free (Anonymous report to the New York Herald of October 21, 1859).\u201d Sanborn (567) quotes the Herald report, and his text is available at the Marxists Internet Archive.In his courtroom speech before sentencing, Brown again denied that he had intended to incite any uprising at all (Reynolds 354).' class='inline-footnote' style=''>15<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Some writers do claim that Brown anticipated a general uprising (e.g. Reynolds 312\u201314), but this claim relies on dubious sources, including D.H. Strother\u2019s 1859 report in Harper\u2019s Weekly and claims in an 1858 letter written by Hugh Forbes\u2014the hired military trainer who betrayed Brown\u2019s attack plan to multiple individuals when he was dissatisfied with his pay. Forbes alleged that Brown \u201ccalculated he could get on the first night from 200 to 500 [Black people freed]\u201d of whom Brown would recruit a hundred to fight immediately. In contrast, an actual participant in the raid, Osborn Anderson, wrote in 1861 that Brown said during the raid that he was \u201cagreeably disappointed\u201d in the modest number of freedmen initially willing to take up arms. Brown added that he \u201cdid not expect one out of ten to be willing to fight.\u201d The idea of a general uprising wasn\u2019t included in the plan that Brown outlined to Frederick Douglass in 1847: Brown\u2019s plan \u201cdid not as some suppose, contemplate a general rising among the slaves, and a general slaughter of the slave masters. An insurrection he thought would only defeat the object, but his plan did contemplate the creating of an armed force that should act in the very heart of the south.\u201d Douglass 2000, 279\u201380.In 1859, two months before the raid, Brown tried to recruit Douglass. By then, Douglass wrote later, Brown \u201chad completely renounced his old plan.\u201d But the change that Douglass highlighted was the \u201ccapture\u201d of Harper\u2019s Ferry. He says nothing about Brown trying\u2014or expecting\u2014to incite a general uprising. Douglass 2000, 324.<br \/>\nThe day after his capture, Brown was asked whether he expected a \u201cgeneral rising of the slaves.\u201d He replied, \u201cNo, sir; nor did I wish it. I expected to gather them up from time to time and set them free (Anonymous report to the <em>New York Herald<\/em> of October 21, 1859).\u201d Sanborn (567) quotes the Herald report, and his text is available at the Marxists Internet Archive.In his courtroom speech before sentencing, Brown again denied that he had intended to incite any uprising at all (Reynolds 354).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">Brown knew that armed raids could strike fear into the slaveholders and inspire the people who lived in slavery. He also thought that frequent raids and escapes could make slavery precarious economically and perhaps precipitate a political crisis.<\/aside>\n<p>Brown had a number of white recruits already\u2014from his own family and from engagements in Kansas. But he knew that his plan didn\u2019t have a chance without significant Black participation. Brown went to Canada and worked with Martin Delany to pull together a majority-Black convention where they could discuss his action plans. They would also discuss an alternative, egalitarian Constitution for the United States.<span title='See Quarles 237\u201338 for a list of Black leaders that Brown tried to enlist.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>16<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>See Quarles 237\u201338 for a list of Black leaders that Brown tried to enlist.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_12599\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-12599\" style=\"width: 998px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12599 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Five-Black-allies.jpg\" alt=\"Five black-and-white photograph portraits from the nineteenth century. They are all close-cropped close-ups of the faces.\" width=\"998\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Five-Black-allies.jpg 998w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Five-Black-allies-300x150.jpg 300w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Five-Black-allies-768x385.jpg 768w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Five-Black-allies-600x301.jpg 600w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 998px) 100vw, 998px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-12599\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Five of Brown\u2019s Black allies. From left: Henry Highland Garnet, Frederick Douglass, Martin Delany, Harriet Tubman, Osborne Anderson. Garnet image by <a href=\"https:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:Henry_Highland_Garnet_by_James_U._Stead.jpg\">James U. Stead<\/a>. Douglass image by B.F. Smith &amp; Son. Delany image by <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/File:Martin_Robison_Delany_(before_1885).jpg\">West Virginia University<\/a>.\u00a0 Tubman image by <a href=\"https:\/\/www.loc.gov\/resource\/ppmsca.54232\/\">Harvey B. Lindsley<\/a>. Anderson image by <a href=\"https:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:Osborne_Perry_Anderson.png\">West Virginia Archives &amp; History<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>Before the convention, Brown visited Harriet Tubman, who lived in Canada at the time. He tried to recruit her as an officer in his little army. He was very impressed with her, and it\u2019s likely that he quizzed her on the raids she had made into Virginia.\u00a0 Tubman agreed to look for recruits for the raid and help Brown raise money for it. They would meet again the following year in Boston.<span title='Likely he quizzed her: Oates 241. Tubman agreed to help: Clinton 128\u201329. Met again in Boston: Clinton 130.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>17<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Likely he quizzed her: Oates 241. Tubman agreed to help: Clinton 128\u201329. Met again in Boston: Clinton 130.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>In May 1858, the convention met in Chatham, Ontario. This town of 6,000 was one-third Black, many of whom were fugitives from slavery. The convention went well, but Brown gained only one recruit there\u2014Osborne Perry Anderson, who was a printer by trade.<span title='Chatham demographics: Clinton 102. A printer: Meyer 77.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>18<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Chatham demographics: Clinton 102. A printer: Meyer 77.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>There was some momentum coming out of Chatham, but disruptive news intervened to delay the raid. Brown had hired an English mercenary\u2014who had worked under Garibaldi in Italy\u2014to give training in guerrilla warfare to his troops. But now that man, Hugh Forbes, was unhappy with the pay and began to expose parts of Brown\u2019s plans, including to a couple of senators. Brown had to put off the raid and act like Forbes was making it all up.<\/p>\n<p>He went back to Kansas to let this blow over. He let his beard grow out and adopted an alias. Brown did one more thing in Kansas that added to his fame in the North and his notoriety in the South. In late 1858, he led a raid into Missouri and brought eleven people out of slavery. (The westernmost route of the Underground Railroad went through Topeka, Kansas.) On the long trip to Windsor, Ontario, one of the women gave birth and named her son John Brown.<span title='The aftermath of the Chatham convention: Reynolds 264\u201367. Went through Topeka: Gridley 154. The Missouri raid and the voyage to Windsor: Reynolds 278\u201387.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>19<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>The aftermath of the Chatham convention: Reynolds 264\u201367. Went through Topeka: Gridley 154. The Missouri raid and the voyage to Windsor: Reynolds 278\u201387.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<h4>The raid<\/h4>\n<p>During Brown\u2019s detour into Kansas, he sent a white comrade to live near Harper\u2019s Ferry for a year before the raid. John Cook, a comrade from Brown\u2019s first sojourn in Kansas, got a local job, did reconnaissance, and made connections\u2014including a romantic one with a local woman.<span title='Meeting Cook in Kansas: Reynolds 243. Cook spent a year in Harper\u2019s Ferry, where he found romance (and marriage) with Mary Virginia Kennedy: Reynolds 296.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>20<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Meeting Cook in Kansas: Reynolds 243. Cook spent a year in Harper\u2019s Ferry, where he found romance (and marriage) with Mary Virginia Kennedy: Reynolds 296.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>Brown chose Harper\u2019s Ferry for several reasons. It was in northern Virginia, just 35 miles from Pennsylvania, at the junction of the Shenandoah and Potomac Rivers. The Shenandoah ran north from central Virginia, and its valley already served as an escape route from slavery\u2014a passage that W.E.B. Du Bois later dubbed the \u201cGreat Black Way.\u201d Harper\u2019s Ferry also had a federal arsenal, and the town was nestled in the mountains where Brown\u2019s fighters could exploit the natural defenses of the rugged terrain. If it all worked out, they\u2019d be opening a wide gateway to freedom and starting to build a string of guerrilla bases.<span title='\u201cThe Great Black Way\u201d is a chapter in Du Bois\u2019 biography of Brown.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>21<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>\u201cThe Great Black Way\u201d is a chapter in Du Bois\u2019 biography of Brown.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>Brown had to gather the forces after the long delay. From Chatham, only Osborne Anderson remained committed to the attack plan, but Oberlin produced two new recruits. John Price, a fugitive from slavery, had been captured nearby, and about one hundred students and town residents stormed the jail and freed him. When John Brown, John Jr., and John Kagi heard the news, they went to the Oberlin area to support Price and the fifteen rescuers who got arrested. Kagi covered the trial for the <em>New-York Tribune<\/em> and visited the prisoners in jail. One of those arrested was the biracial Oberlin student John Copeland. Meanwhile, an unindicted rescuer, Lewis Leary\u2014a biracial relative of Copeland\u2019s by marriage\u2014heard an inspiring speech by John Sr. in nearby Cleveland. Leary was a harness maker in Oberlin. After the trial, Leary and Copeland met John Jr. in the parlor of a local abolitionist and enthusiastically agreed to join the raid.<span title='A student and harness maker: Meyer 28. Rescue, trial, and joining up with Brown: Meyer 41\u201343.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>22<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>A student and harness maker: Meyer 28. Rescue, trial, and joining up with Brown: Meyer 41\u201343.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">Harper\u2019s Ferry also had a federal arsenal, and the town was nestled in the mountains where Brown\u2019s fighters could exploit the natural defenses of the rugged terrain. If it all worked out, they\u2019d be opening a wide gateway to freedom and starting to build a string of guerrilla bases.<\/aside>\n<p>Brown tried to get the endorsement of Frederick Douglass\u2014and maybe his personal commitment to fight. Either one would have encouraged more Black fighters to join, but Douglass held back. He did come to visit Brown two months before the raid. With him was Shields Green, who had escaped from slavery in South Carolina. Brown and Green had met before at Douglass\u2019 house. When Douglass heard the new version of Brown\u2019s plan, he thought it was doomed because it included the seizure of a federal arsenal, which he feared would bring overwhelming force down on the raiders. Douglass told Brown that he was walking into \u201ca perfect steel-trap\u201d and would not walk out alive. As Douglass prepared to depart, Shields Green said to him with his Gullah inflection: \u201cI b\u2019leve I\u2019ll go wid de ole man.\u201d<span title='Douglass and Green meet with Brown: Douglass 2000, 322\u201325. \u201cPerfect steel-trap\u201d: Douglass 2000, 224.The phonetic rendering of Green\u2019s words is from Douglass 2000, 325.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>23<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Douglass and Green meet with Brown: Douglass 2000, 322\u201325. \u201cPerfect steel-trap\u201d: Douglass 2000, 224.The phonetic rendering of Green\u2019s words is from Douglass 2000, 325.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>The fifth Black fighter was Dangerfield Newby, who grew up enslaved in northern Virginia, where he became a blacksmith. He\u2019d been freed a year before the raid, but his wife Harriet and several children were still enslaved. He tried and failed to purchase their freedom. He corresponded with Harriet, who told him that it was possible that she and the children would soon be sold \u201cdown the river\u201d into the Deep South. Newby thus had a personal stake in a military campaign into northern\u00a0 Virginia. He met Brown in northern Ohio and agreed to join Brown\u2019s proposed raid. An abolitionist comrade there had already taught Newby how to handle a gun.<span title='Details on Newby and his family: Meyer 19\u201324. Brown met Newby in Ashtabula County, Ohio, when they were both boarding ad the home of abolitionist T. Smith Edwards: Meyer 22. Some authors believe that Tubman signed up to join Brown\u2019s band, though the evidence is thin. In any case, she was ill in New Bedford, MA, when the raid was launched (Clinton 132).' class='inline-footnote' style=''>24<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Details on Newby and his family: Meyer 19\u201324. Brown met Newby in Ashtabula County, Ohio, when they were both boarding ad the home of abolitionist T. Smith Edwards: Meyer 22. Some authors believe that Tubman signed up to join Brown\u2019s band, though the evidence is thin. In any case, she was ill in New Bedford, MA, when the raid was launched (Clinton 132).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>John Brown arrived near the attack site in early July 1859. He rented a farm on the Maryland side of the Potomac, four miles from Harper\u2019s Ferry. By August, most of the band had arrived. As a precaution, most of the comrades needed to stay indoors during the day. They tried to draw as little attention as possible, but they were getting ready for months. The white comrade John Kagi was staying in a nearby town to receive shipments of weapons. This included the \u201cKansas\u201d guns, as well as 950 specially-made pikes for those unschooled in the use of guns.<span title='Four miles from Harper\u2019s Ferry: Anderson 20. Needed to stay indoors: Anderson 24\u201325. Specially-made pikes: Reynolds 292.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>25<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Four miles from Harper\u2019s Ferry: Anderson 20. Needed to stay indoors: Anderson 24\u201325. Specially-made pikes: Reynolds 292.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_12601\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-12601\" style=\"width: 1000px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12601 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Du-Bois-map-of-H.-Ferry.jpg\" alt=\"Hand-drawn map of two rivers converging, and a town with streets at the point of convergence. A railroad crosses one of the rivers and hugs the shore of the other.\" width=\"1000\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Du-Bois-map-of-H.-Ferry.jpg 1000w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Du-Bois-map-of-H.-Ferry-300x282.jpg 300w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Du-Bois-map-of-H.-Ferry-768x722.jpg 768w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/Du-Bois-map-of-H.-Ferry-600x564.jpg 600w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-12601\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Map of key points of the raid. The raid was planned at Kennedy Farm (point 1, at the top). The arsenal, armory, and engine house are on the point of land by the Potomac River railroad bridge (points 4, 3, and 5). The gun factory is on an island farther up the Shenandoah River (\u201crifle-works,\u201d point 6, at the left). <a href=\"https:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:Map_of_Harpers_Ferry.jpg\">Map<\/a> from the 1909 biography of Brown by W.E.B. Du Bois.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>On Sunday night of October 16, the nineteen advance raiders set out. They cut telegraph lines along the way, and two pairs of comrades secured each railroad bridge (over the Potomac and the Shenandoah), taking the watchmen prisoner. Soon they also took the armory, the arsenal, and a rifle factory, where they planned to destroy the machinery. With no violence, all the watchmen of these places surrendered. Brown and part of the band took the prisoners to a brick fire-engine house that was in the armory complex.<span title='Cut telegraph lines and took the armory, the arsenal, and a rifle factory: Reynolds 310\u201311. Secured each railroad bridge: Anderson 30.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>26<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Cut telegraph lines and took the armory, the arsenal, and a rifle factory: Reynolds 310\u201311. Secured each railroad bridge: Anderson 30.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>Meanwhile, Osborne Anderson, Shields Green, Lewis Leary and three white comrades went out in the dark to raid a couple of specific plantations that had been previously scouted. A number of enslaved men they ran across joined them on the spot, saying they\u2019d waited a long time for something like this.<span title='Went out in the dark: Anderson 31. Waited a long time: Anderson 34.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>27<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Went out in the dark: Anderson 31. Waited a long time: Anderson 34.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>One of the plantations belonged to Lewis Washington, a great grand-nephew of George Washington. He owned a sword that had been a gift to the president from King Frederick of Prussia. The objective of Brown\u2019s team was to take Lewis Washington hostage and force him to hand the sword over in surrender\u2014to Anderson, the Black comrade. It went flawlessly, and they went back to town.<span title='Anderson 34\u201335.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>28<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Anderson 34\u201335.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">One of the objectives at Harper\u2019s Ferry was to lower some of the barriers to the formation of Black collective agency.<\/aside>\n<p>Southerners later wrote that the Black people who joined the raiders were reluctant recruits, and even that they were prisoners. Two years later, Anderson refuted this claim in a pamphlet, saying, \u201cThe greatest enthusiasm was manifested by them\u201d when they heard the plan: \u201cJoy and hilarity beamed from every countenance.\u201d<span title='Greatest enthusiasm, joy and hilarity: Anderson 59.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>29<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Greatest enthusiasm, joy and hilarity: Anderson 59.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>As the townspeople stirred in the morning, there was panic and very little opposition. People who got in the way were taken hostage, and some of the liberated men held them in the engine house at pike-point. Brown told the prisoner-hostages that the raiders had no intention to kill them.<span title='Panic: Oates 292. No intention to kill hostages: Reynolds 318.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>30<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Panic: Oates 292. No intention to kill hostages: Reynolds 318.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>One white resident shot Dangerfield Newby and was quickly dispatched by a blast from Shields Green. Newby died on the street. White people soon carved off body parts as souvenirs, and he was left for hogs to eat.<span title='Fate of Newby: Meyer 90\u201391.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>31<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Fate of Newby: Meyer 90\u201391.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>Brown\u2019s mission was fairly well accomplished, and they could have escaped with guns and the people they liberated before the militia and marines came. It\u2019s not clear why he delayed. He said later that it was because he was concerned for the safety of the prisoners. Others have said he was expecting reinforcements. We don\u2019t know.<span title='Concerned for the prisoners: Anonymous (New York Herald \u201cspecial reporter\u201d), 1.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>32<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Concerned for the prisoners: Anonymous (<em>New York Herald<\/em> \u201cspecial reporter\u201d), 1.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>In any case, he stayed, with his men pinned down in three buildings as local militias and regular soldiers began to file into town. John Brown held on at the engine house building with the largest group and the hostages. Oliver Brown, his son, died of gunfire in his father\u2019s presence, and another son, Watson, was mortally wounded. When the marines breached the building, Brown got stabbed in the side and bashed on the head but survived. The overall commander of the troops was Col. Robert E. Lee.<span title='Deaths of Oliver and Watson, John Brown\u2019s wounds: Reynolds 326\u201328.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>33<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Deaths of Oliver and Watson, John Brown\u2019s wounds: Reynolds 326\u201328.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<h4>The aftermath<\/h4>\n<p>If Brown had been killed, the event would have been much less significant. But he gave interviews\u2014including a three-hour grilling by hostile white men soon after his capture. The conversation took place in the presence of the governor while Brown lay bleeding on a mattress. Future Confederate cavalry commander J.E.B Stuart was one of the interrogators. The conversation was carried, allegedly \u201cverbatim,\u201d in the <em>New York Herald<\/em>.<span title='Anonymous (\u201cOur special reporter\u201d).' class='inline-footnote' style=''>34<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Anonymous (\u201cOur special reporter\u201d).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>Brown received dozens of visitors in jail, who wrote up their observations for the press, and he wrote numerous letters himself\u2014many of them also destined for publication\u2014before his execution in December. Four others were executed, including Shields Green and John Copeland, the Oberlin student. Osborne Anderson of Chatham was the only one of the nineteen initial raiders to escape to safety. He went back to Canada and published his own account\u2014<em>A Voice from Harper\u2019s Ferry<\/em>\u2014two years later.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_12603\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-12603\" style=\"width: 990px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12603 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/John-Brown-wounded.jpg\" alt=\"Engraving of a bearded man lying under a blanket on a wood-plank floor, his head and shoulders propped up on a pillow that\u2019s placed on an overturned wooden chair. His eyes are open.\" width=\"990\" height=\"777\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/John-Brown-wounded.jpg 990w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/John-Brown-wounded-300x235.jpg 300w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/John-Brown-wounded-768x603.jpg 768w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/John-Brown-wounded-600x471.jpg 600w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 990px) 100vw, 990px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-12603\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">A wounded John Brown soon after his capture, undergoing his first interrogation. Engraved version of a pencil drawing by <a href=\"https:\/\/ia801003.us.archive.org\/6\/items\/sim_harpers-weekly_1859-11-05_3_149\/sim_harpers-weekly_1859-11-05_3_149.pdf\">D.H. Strother<\/a> published in the November 5, 1859 edition of <em>Harper\u2019s Weekly.<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>Southerners, of course, were in shock and on their guard. In the North, Thoreau and Emerson were among the first white people to express approval of the raid. The largest rallies in the North were in opposition. The Republican Party, including Lincoln, disavowed the raid, but Black people across the North responded in support. Black abolitionists declared the day of Brown\u2019s execution, December 2, to be \u201cMartyr Day.\u201d On that day, Black crowds filled churches and meeting halls in New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Detroit, Cleveland, and smaller towns.<\/p>\n<p>At Brown\u2019s heavily-militarized execution, Major Jonathan Jackson (later known as \u201cStonewall\u201d) commanded an artillery unit. Also in the crowd was a dashing young actor named John Wilkes Booth. Just a bit south of there, Dangerfield Newby\u2019s wife Harriet mourned the death of her husband\u2014the first raider to die at Harper\u2019s Ferry. As she had feared, she and her children were soon sold into the Deep South.<span title='Lincoln denounced Brown\u2019s raid: Reynolds 360. Martyr Day observances: Quarles 242\u201343. Sold into the South: Meyer 24.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>35<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Lincoln denounced Brown\u2019s raid: Reynolds 360. Martyr Day observances: Quarles 242\u201343. Sold into the South: Meyer 24.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>In the South, the press and slaveholders lumped all of the abolitionists together with the Republican Party, although Brown and his comrades did not support or trust the party. When Lincoln was nominated the next year, they said he shared Brown\u2019s views and methods. This propaganda had its effect on enslaved people in the South. They associated Lincoln with Brown, too, and some believed they were liberated on the day he was elected.<span title='Did not trust or support: Reynolds 360. Liberated when Lincoln was elected: Higginson 17\u201318.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>36<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Did not trust or support: Reynolds 360. Liberated when Lincoln was elected: Higginson 17\u201318.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>Frederick Douglass credited his own turn toward militance to his first meeting with Brown twelve years before the raid. To mark the first anniversary of Brown\u2019s death, Douglass appeared at a Boston meeting \u201cto discuss the best method of abolishing slavery.\u201d He endorsed all means of struggle, including \u201cmoral means,\u201d but emphasized the necessity of \u201cthe John Brown way.\u201d Later, during the war, Black troops eventually made up one-tenth of the Union army. They marched enthusiastically to the tune of, \u201cJohn\u2019s Brown\u2019s body lies a mould\u2019ring in the grave, but his soul goes marching on.\u201d<span title='Turn toward militance: Douglass 2000, 282. \u201cThe John Brown way\u201d:  Douglass 1861. In listing marching songs of the First South Carolina regiment, Higginson (101) wrote, \u201cFirst, John Brown, of course.\u201d' class='inline-footnote' style=''>37<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Turn toward militance: Douglass 2000, 282. \u201cThe John Brown way\u201d:  Douglass 1861. In listing marching songs of the First South Carolina regiment, Higginson (101) wrote, \u201cFirst, John Brown, of course.\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<h4>The launch of the U.S. Left<\/h4>\n<p>As I\u2019ve tried to show, one of the objectives at Harper\u2019s Ferry was to lower some of the barriers to the formation of Black collective agency. Of course, it was the Union army in the Civil War that created that opening on a large scale. Even then, Black people had to force the opening wider by laying down their tools and inviting themselves to the spaces behind Union lines. Black collective agency and creativity finally came out in a flood <em>after<\/em> the war, during Reconstruction.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">The U.S. Left <em>had to<\/em> come out of abolitionism, not from the labor movement. The fight against Indian removal, the emergence of feminism, and\u2014centrally\u2014the fight to end slavery were all intertwined, and they set the preconditions for Black collective struggle and the working-class Left after the war.<\/aside>\n<p>It\u2019s significant that Brown and his comrades were <em>not<\/em> aiming to build the agency of the working class as a whole. The struggles of the mid-nineteenth century were formative for the U.S. Left, but they stand in contrast with the simultaneous birth of the Left in England. There, the Left emerged in the 1830s and 1840s with the mass workers\u2019 movement for a People\u2019s Charter. In the U.S., the division between free and captive workers made it virtually impossible to conceive of all working people in the U.S. as members of a single group. Frederick Douglass wrote in his <em>Life and Times<\/em> about the vicious antagonism that white workers showed toward Black workers (both free and enslaved) in Baltimore\u2019s shipyards before the Civil War. The racism spawned by the slave system also infected the North.<span title='Vicious antagonism: Douglass 2000, 179-83. Douglass was writing about experience from 1836. Also infected the North: see Litwack\u2019s North of Slavery.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>38<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>Vicious antagonism: Douglass 2000, 179-83. Douglass was writing about experience from 1836. Also infected the North: see Litwack\u2019s North of Slavery.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>So the U.S. Left <em>had to<\/em> come out of abolitionism, not from the labor movement. The fight against Indian removal, the emergence of feminism, and\u2014centrally\u2014the fight to end slavery were all intertwined, and they set the preconditions for Black collective struggle and the working-class Left after the war.<span title='For accounts of the way the three struggles intertwined, see Hershberger and Joy\u2019s articles and Portnoy\u2019s Their Right to Speak.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>39<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>For accounts of the way the three struggles intertwined, see Hershberger and Joy\u2019s articles and Portnoy\u2019s Their Right to Speak.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>The connections among these movements did not guarantee that any particular activist \u201cticked off all the boxes\u201d\u2014much as there were no such guarantees in the U.S. movements against oppression and exploitation in the 1960s and 1970s. Despite this variation among individuals, there was a dynamic of mutual influence, debate, and inspiration among the movements that preceded the Civil War. These interactions helped feed a decades-long process of radicalization.<\/p>\n<p>Karl Marx followed social developments in the U.S., especially the Civil War. In 1867, he published the first volume of <em>Capital<\/em>, where he wrote:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>In the United States of America, every independent workers\u2019 movement was paralysed as long as slavery disfigured part of the republic. Labour in the white skin cannot emancipate itself where it is branded in the black skin.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>That part gets quoted often, but the rest does not. The passage goes on to say that the movement for the eight-hour day was launched in 1866, a year after the war, in <em>Baltimore<\/em>\u2014in Maryland, the place that Garnet, Douglass, and Tubman had had to escape from not so long before.<\/p>\n<p>In 1869, the Knights of Labor were formed and went on to organize across gender and race on a mass scale for the first time in the U.S., and they spoke a liberatory language adapted from the struggles that preceded the war and the struggle for radical Reconstruction that followed it.<span title='On activity and ideas of the Knights, see Gourevitch 2015.' class='inline-footnote' style=''>40<span class='footnoteContent' style='display:none;'>On activity and ideas of the Knights, see Gourevitch 2015.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p>As socialists, our goal is still to build collective agency, and many obstacles to forming such unity still come from the various forms of oppression that persist today. It makes perfect sense that so many of today\u2019s revolutionaries keep marching under the banner of abolition.<\/p>\n<p><small><em>Thanks to David Courtenay-Quirk for steering me toward some good sources and away from some beginner\u2019s mistakes. Also thanks to Charlie Post for commenting on a draft of Part 2.<\/em><\/small><\/p>\n<p>Bibliograpy<\/p>\n<p>Anderson, Osborne Perry. <em>A Voice from Harper\u2019s Ferry. A Narrative of Events at Harper\u2019s Ferry<\/em>. Library of Congress, 2023 (facsimile of 1861 edition). <a href=\"https:\/\/babel.hathitrust.org\/cgi\/pt?id=hvd.32044014584544&amp;seq=5\">Available online<\/a> from Hathi Trust.<\/p>\n<p>Anonymous (\u201cOur special reporter\u201d). \u201cThe Harper\u2019s Ferry outbreak,\u201d <em>New York Herald<\/em>, October 21, 1859, page 1. Franklin Sanborn\u2019s biography reproduces this article, and Sanborn\u2019s version is <a href=\"https:\/\/www.marxists.org\/archive\/brown-john\/1859\/prison-interview.htm\">available<\/a> at the Marxists Internet Archive.<\/p>\n<p>Aptheker, Herbert. <em>American Negro Slave Revolts<\/em>. 5th edition. New York: International Publishers, 1983.<\/p>\n<p>Brown, John, S.F. Shore, H.C. Pape, and W.B. Brocket. Untitled, dateline \u201cLawrence K.T., Tuesday, July 1, 1856,\u201d <em>New-York Daily Tribune<\/em>, July 11, 1856, page 6. <a href=\"https:\/\/tile.loc.gov\/storage-services\/service\/ndnp\/dlc\/batch_dlc_dry_ver01\/data\/sn83030213\/00206530510\/1856071101\/0078.pdf\">Available online<\/a> from the Library of Congress.<\/p>\n<p>Clinton, Catherine. <em>Harriet Tubman: The Road to Freedom<\/em>. 1st ed. Boston, Mass: Little, Brown, 2004.<\/p>\n<p>Diouf, Sylviane A. <em>Slavery\u2019s Exiles: The Story of the American Maroons<\/em>. Reprint edition. New York: NYU Press, 2016.<\/p>\n<p>Douglass, Frederick. \u201cThe meeting in Joy Street Church.\u201d <em>Douglass\u2019 Monthly<\/em> vol. 3, no. 8, January 1861, 391\u201393. <a href=\"https:\/\/collections.si.edu\/search\/detail\/ead_component:sova-acma-06-112-ref12?q=url:%22ead_component:sova-acma-06-112-ref12%22&amp;record=1&amp;hlterm=url:&amp;quot;ead_component:sova-acma-06-112-ref12&amp;quot;\">Facsimile available online<\/a> from the Smithsonian. A version of the article including only the speech from Douglass is <a href=\"https:\/\/mronline.org\/2021\/10\/22\/speech-frederick-douglass-on-john-brown-1860\/\">available<\/a> from MRonline.<\/p>\n<p>Douglass, Frederick. <em>The Life and Times Of Frederick Douglass<\/em>. Facsimile of the 1881 edition. Secaucus, N.J: Citadel, 2000.<\/p>\n<p>Du Bois, W. E. B. <em>John Brown<\/em>. Edited by David R. Roediger. New edition. Modern Library, 2001.<\/p>\n<p>Emerson, Ralph Waldo. \u201cJohn Brown.\u201d Remarks at a meeting for the relief of the family of John Brown, at Tremont Temple, Boston, November 18, 1859. <a href=\"https:\/\/emersoncentral.com\/texts\/miscellanies\/john-brownspeech-at-boston\/\">Available online<\/a> at Emerson Central.<\/p>\n<p>Forbes, Hugh. Letter to S[amuel] G[ridley] Howe, dated May 14, 1858, published in \u201cThe Harper\u2019s Ferry outbreak,\u201d <em>New York Herald<\/em>, October 27, 1859, 4.<\/p>\n<p>Garnet, Henry Highland. \u201cAn address to the slaves of the United States of America,\u201d 1843. The 1848 edition is <a href=\"https:\/\/digitalcommons.unl.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=1007&amp;context=etas\">available online<\/a> at Digital Commons at the University Nebraska\/Lincoln.<\/p>\n<p>Geffert, Hannah, with Jean Libby. \u201cRegional Black involvement in John Brown\u2019s raid on Harper\u2019s Ferry,\u201d in McCarthy and Stauffer, 165\u201379.<\/p>\n<p>Gourevitch, Alex. \u201cOur forgotten labor revolution,\u201d in <em>Jacobin<\/em>, Summer 2015. <a href=\"https:\/\/jacobin.com\/2015\/08\/knights-of-labor-jim-crow-labor-populism-reconstruction\">Also available<\/a> online.<\/p>\n<p>Greenberg, Kenneth S., ed. <em>Nat Turner: A Slave Rebellion in History and Memory<\/em>. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.<\/p>\n<p>Gridley, Karl. \u201c\u2018Willing to die for the cause of freedom in Kansas\u2019: free state emigration, John Brown, and the rise of militant abolitionism in the Kansas Territory,\u201d in McCarthy and Stauffer, 147\u201364.<\/p>\n<p>Grimk\u00e9, Angelina E. <em>Appeal to the Christian Women of the South.<\/em> CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2015.<\/p>\n<p>Hershberger, Mary. \u201cMobilizing Women, Anticipating Abolition: The Struggle against Indian Removal in the 1830s.\u201d <em>The Journal of American History<\/em> 86, no. 1 (1999): 15\u201340. Also <a href=\"https:\/\/historycooperative.org\/journal\/mobilizing-women-anticipating-abolitionthe-struggle-against-indian-removal-in-the-1830s\/\">available online<\/a> from the History Cooperative.<\/p>\n<p>Higginson, Thomas Wentworth. <em>Black Rebellion: Five Slave Revolts<\/em>. Facsimile of 1889 (first) edition, introduced by James McPherson. Arno Press, 1969.<\/p>\n<p>Higginson, Thomas Wentworth. <em>Army Life in a Black Regiment: And Other Writings<\/em>. Edited by R. D. Madison. New York: Penguin Classics, 1997.<\/p>\n<p>James, Leonard F. <em>The Supreme Court in American Life<\/em>. Second Edition. Scott, Foresman &amp; Co., 1971.<\/p>\n<p>Joy, Natalie. \u201cThe Indian\u2019s Cause: Abolitionists and Native American Rights.\u201d <em>Journal of the Civil War Era<\/em> 8, no. 2 (2018): 215\u201342.<\/p>\n<p>Kennedy, Lionel H., and Thomas Parker.<em> An Official Report of The Trials of Sundry Negroes, Charged With An Attempt to Raise An Insurrection in The State of South-Carolina<\/em>. Charleston, SC: James R. Schenk, 1822.<\/p>\n<p>Litwack, Leon F. <em>North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860<\/em>. 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HarperCollins 2011.<\/p>\n<p>Redpath, James.<em> The Public Life of Capt. John Brown, by James Redpath, with an Auto-Biography of His Childhood and Youth<\/em>. Boston: Thayer and Eldridge, 1860. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.loc.gov\/item\/07012905\/\">Facsimile<\/a> of the first edition available from the Library of Congress.<\/p>\n<p>Reynolds, David S. <em>John Brown, Abolitionist: The Man Who Killed Slavery, Sparked the Civil War, and Seeded Civil Rights<\/em>. Reprint edition. New York, NY: Vintage, 2006.<\/p>\n<p>Sanborn, F.B. <em>The Life and Letters of John Brown: Liberator of Kansas, and Martyr of Virginia<\/em>. Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1885. <a href=\"https:\/\/babel.hathitrust.org\/cgi\/pt?id=uc2.ark:\/13960\/t7xk85d4c&amp;seq=9\">Available online<\/a> from HathiTrust.<\/p>\n<p>Saunt, Claudio. <em>Unworthy Republic: The Dispossession of Native Americans and the Road to Indian Territory<\/em>. Reprint of 2020 release. W. W. Norton &amp; Company, 2021.<\/p>\n<p>Scott, Julius S. <em>The Common Wind: Afro-American Currents in the Age of the Haitian Revolution<\/em>. Verso, 2018.<\/p>\n<p>Strother, D.H. \u201cThe late invasion in Harper\u2019s Ferry,\u201d <em>Harper\u2019s Weekly<\/em>, November 5, 1859, 712-14. <a href=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/sim_harpers-weekly_1859-11-05_3_149\/page\/n7\/mode\/2up\">Available<\/a> from the Internet Archive.<\/p>\n<p>Sinha, Manisha. \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.nybooks.com\/articles\/2023\/04\/20\/the-beautiful-struggle-antebellum-black-citizenship-remaking-the-republic\/\"><em>The Beautiful Struggle<\/em><\/a>\u201d (book review), <em>New York Review of Books<\/em>, April 20, 2023.<\/p>\n<p>Walker, David. <em>David Walker\u2019s Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World<\/em>. Edited by Peter P. Hinks. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2000. Facsimile of the third (1830) edition <a href=\"https:\/\/digitalcommons.unl.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=1014&amp;context=zeaamericanstudies\">available online<\/a> at Digital Commons at the University Nebraska\/Lincoln.<\/p>\n<p>Warch, Richard, and Jonathan Fanton, eds. <em>John Brown<\/em>. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall, 1973.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p><strong>David Whitehouse<\/strong> recounts the battles, up through the Harpers\u2019 Ferry revolt, of anti-slavery militant John Brown, a period that influenced the emergence of the United States Left.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":205,"featured_media":12607,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[416,551,271],"class_list":["post-12595","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-article","tag-abolition","tag-john-brown","tag-revolutionary-left"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/03\/john_brown_part_2_feature_card_720.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12595","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/205"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=12595"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12595\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12607"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=12595"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=12595"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=12595"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}