{"id":12211,"date":"2024-01-04T21:50:45","date_gmt":"2024-01-05T02:50:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.tempestmag.org\/v01_2020\/staging\/?p=12211"},"modified":"2024-01-08T23:05:24","modified_gmt":"2024-01-09T04:05:24","slug":"priming-the-philippines-for-a-globalized-nato","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/2024\/01\/priming-the-philippines-for-a-globalized-nato\/","title":{"rendered":"Priming the Philippines for a \u201cglobalized NATO\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span class=\"dropcap\">G<\/span>lobal dynamics are powerfully impacting the foreign policy of the Philippines and driving it in a dangerous direction. In his second State of the Nation Address, on July 24, 2023, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.\u2019s <a href=\"https:\/\/www.rappler.com\/nation\/sona-2023-highlights-summary-of-marcos-2nd-state-of-the-nation-address\/\">speech<\/a> declared: \u201cWe have formed strategic alliances with our traditional and newfound partners in the international community.\u201d In the context of the Philippine state\u2019s diplomatic language, \u201cstrategic alliances\u201d chiefly refers to its major North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)-linked \u201cpartners\u201d\u2014the United States, Japan, Australia, and the United Kingdom. In fact, the Marcos Jr. regime is gearing up to join NATO\u2019s creeping project to envelop and control the vast Eurasia-Indo-Pacific area.<\/p>\n<p>Consequently, the top echelon of the Philippines\u2019 foreign policy apparatus is steering the country along a militarist course. This dangerous policy is Manila\u2019s deliberate answer to the acute global shifts threatening southeast Asia\u2019s general stability. And as it aligns its interests with the core strategic aims of the U.S., the Philippine government blatantly bolsters U.S. war-mongering against the People\u2019s Republic of China.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_12213\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-12213\" style=\"width: 864px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12213 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-at-WEF.jpg\" alt=\"Ferdinand Marcos Jr, President of the Philippines at the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting January 2023 in Davos-Klosters, Switzerland. He is wearing a blue suit and standing in front of a screen with the repeating phrase,\u00a0 \u201cWorld Economic Forum.\u201d\" width=\"864\" height=\"900\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-at-WEF.jpg 864w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-at-WEF-600x625.jpg 600w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-at-WEF-288x300.jpg 288w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-at-WEF-768x800.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 864px) 100vw, 864px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-12213\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ferdinand Marcos Jr, President of the Philippines at the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting January 2023 in Davos-Klosters, Switzerland. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.flickr.com\/photos\/worldeconomicforum\/52635540550\">Photo<\/a> by World Economic Forum\/ Greg Beadle.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<h4>Global dynamics<\/h4>\n<p>More than three decades since the Cold War ended, the imperialist world system has now entered a new phase in its history. Over the past year alone, the capitalist global order\u2019s innate contradictions generated systemic and complex crises. All of these predicaments\u2014economic, social, political, ecological\u2014severely combined to exacerbate an already volatile world environment. Accordingly, this shifting international milieu categorically shapes Manila\u2019s global outlook and frames its external policy logic.<\/p>\n<p>Certainly, the current list of worldwide crises conditions includes the following: a) a continuing downturn in the international economy due to persistent <a href=\"https:\/\/www.oecd.org\/economic-outlook\/september-2023\/\">global inflationary pressures<\/a>, with a projected slower global growth rate of less than 3 percent by 2024; b) <a href=\"https:\/\/carnegieendowment.org\/publications\/interactive\/protest-tracker\">sharpening class struggles<\/a> worldwide amid combined oppressive economic policies and repressive government measures; c) <a href=\"https:\/\/www.livemint.com\/opinion\/columns\/the-year-when-strain-in-china-us-ties-divided-the-world-right-down-the-middle-11672590409212.html\">an escalation of open diplomatic clashes<\/a> between the rival blocs of the imperialist great powers within major international forums, especially in the United Nations Security Council; d) a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/climate-environment\/2023\/10\/30\/climate-emergency-scientists-declaration\/\">worsening of the global climate change emergency<\/a>, with October 2023 being the hottest October on record; e) <a href=\"https:\/\/www.who.int\/news\/item\/05-05-2023-statement-on-the-fifteenth-meeting-of-the-international-health-regulations-(2005)-emergency-committee-regarding-the-coronavirus-disease-(covid-19)-pandemic\">an acknowledgement<\/a> by the World Health Organization concerning \u201cremaining uncertainties posted by potential evolution of SARS-CoV-2\u201d; and f) <a href=\"https:\/\/apnews.com\/article\/israel-hamas-ukraine-sudan-myanmar-war-2023-2fb8b6f9083c188ef94e3870f4eb462f\">lasting fallouts<\/a> resulting from the current wars inside Ukraine (between Russia and the U.S.-led NATO) and in Zionist-occupied Palestine (between Israel and the oppressed Palestinian nation).<\/p>\n<p>In this context, the U.S. and China remain locked in a fierce contest for global hegemony despite the U.S. being the top superpower with significant military superiority.<\/p>\n<p>And in actively pursuing their national interests abroad, Washington and Beijing are guided by their respective foreign policy frameworks.<\/p>\n<h4>The U.S.-led alliances<\/h4>\n<p>The U.S. seeks to effectively degrade China\u2019s \u201ccomprehensive national power.\u201d As such, Washington\u2019s integrated foreign policy\/national security parameters\u2014expressed in its <a href=\"https:\/\/www.whitehouse.gov\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/10\/Biden-Harris-Administrations-National-Security-Strategy-10.2022.pdf\">2022 National Security Strategy<\/a> (NSS)\u2014commits the U.S. to counteract China as the \u201cpacing challenge,\u201d i.e., its top priority.\u00a0 As the U.S.\u2019s up-to-date strategic guidance doctrine, the 2022 NSS openly describes how, \u201cto outmaneuver our geopolitical competitors,\u201d so as, \u201cto win the competition for the 21st century.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>To concentrate its preeminent might upon China, the U.S. constantly fortifies its security alliances\u2014from Western Europe to East Asia, and around central Eurasia (covering Russia).<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">Viewed through the lens of this modern-day grand strategy, the U.S. deems the Eurasia-Indo-Pacific area as \u201cimportant for NATO.\u201d<\/aside>\n<p>Viewed through the lens of this modern-day grand strategy, the U.S. deems the Eurasia-Indo-Pacific area as \u201cimportant for NATO.\u201d This is the reason why Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and South Korea have already become NATO\u2019s Asia-based \u201cGlobal Partners.\u201d Similarly, Washington is enticing countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to join the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad\/comprising Australia, India, Japan, and the U.S.)\u2014in harmonization with the Australia-U.K.-U.S. (AUKUS) regional security mechanism. Concurrently, the U.S. and its allies are pushing for the creation of NATO liaison offices within Asian states, specifically in Japan and Jordan. These schemes are undoubtedly geared toward globalizing NATO\u2019s political-military scope and influence throughout the Eastern Hemisphere.<\/p>\n<p>NATO has lately confirmed such an approach. This was clearly imparted at the 2023 NATO Vilnius Summit last July. As a main strategic premise, it was stressed in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nato.int\/cps\/en\/natohq\/official_texts_217320.htm\">NATO\u2019s post-summit communiqu\u00e9<\/a>:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>The Indo-Pacific is important for NATO, given that developments in that region can directly affect Euro-Atlantic security. We welcome the contribution of our partners in the Asia-Pacific region\u2014Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and the Republic of Korea\u2014to security in the Euro-Atlantic, including their commitment to supporting Ukraine.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>So, the expansion to the Asia-Pacific region is one of NATO\u2019s major policy trajectories.<\/p>\n<p>In the first week of September 2023, during the forty-third ASEAN Summit in Jakarta, Southeast Asia\u2019s premier regional bloc acquiesced to the U.S.\u2019s foreign policy overtures once again.<\/p>\n<p>Indeed, U.S. imperialism is forcefully deploying its brand of obstinate international leadership and utmost resources to assure its global predominance, including the Asia-Pacific region, in the period ahead.<\/p>\n<h4>Chinese policy in the region<\/h4>\n<p>Conversely, to negate the belligerence of the United States toward it, China just freshly passed its 2023 Foreign Relations Law (FRL) last June. This is Beijing\u2019s foreign policy framework to principally foil Washington\u2019s anti-China offensive.<\/p>\n<p>China\u2019s 2023 FRL distinctly proposes three major diplomatic initiatives: Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative and Global Civilization Initiative. This signifies a robust external relations agenda counterposed to the U.S.\u2019s supercilious narrative of upholding a \u201crules-based international order\u201d (also known as, \u201cProtecting the post-1991 imperialist world system for the global advantage of the United States\u201d). In this manner, Beijing\u2019s 2023 FRL is unquestionably a proactive foreign policy instrument set to impede Washington\u2019s policies in major international arenas and domains.<\/p>\n<p>In truth, the content of China\u2019s present-day foreign policy course already displays an emergent form of Chinese imperialism\u2014a result of its potent capitalist development\u2014that is prepared to contest the United States as the world\u2019s paramount imperialist power in order to reshape the global order to benefit Beijing\u2019s long-range strategic interests.<\/p>\n<p>It is beyond doubt that China has had an astonishingly steady capitalist economic growth since 1978. This change began not long after Chairman Mao Zedong\u2019s death.\u00a0 In the wake of the Communist Party of China\u2019s (CPC) 12th National Congress in August 1977, China firmly pivoted onto the \u201ccapitalist road\u201d by joining the twin instruments of international capital in 1980\u2014the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank\u2014to reintegrate into the global capitalist economy.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_12216\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-12216\" style=\"width: 1024px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12216 size-large\" src=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-and-Xi-1024x576.jpg\" alt=\"From right to left, President Xi of China shaking hands with President Marcos of the Philippines with flags of both nations behind them.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"576\" srcset=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-and-Xi-1024x576.jpg 1024w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-and-Xi-600x338.jpg 600w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-and-Xi-300x169.jpg 300w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-and-Xi-768x432.jpg 768w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-and-Xi-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-and-Xi-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/Marcos-and-Xi.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-12216\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Xi of China shaking hands with President Marcos of the Philippines. Image from Philippine Office of the Press Secretary.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>Soon afterward, the CPC dropped its promise to the Chinese working class of guaranteed jobs for life. Throughout this starting phase, Chinese society was reintroduced to the rule of the law of value to boost the profit-motive for economic growth. China replaced an economic orientation of <em>production-for-use<\/em> with that of <em>production-for-exchange<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>The CPC embarked upon a second phase of stronger bourgeois-oriented economic reforms in 1992. This came after the Party\u2019s 14th National Congress resolved to solidify China\u2019s state-capitalism under the banner of \u201cBuilding Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.\u201d These policies further destroyed China\u2019s organized proletarian base. Moreover, it unleashed even greater contradictions resulting from the emergence of a \u2018new bourgeoisie\u2019 entrenched along the Party-State nexus.<\/p>\n<p>By the time of its 15th National Congress in September 1997, the Party decided to transform Chinese state-owned enterprises into profit-driven firms.\u00a0 As a result, nearly all public companies were refitted along capitalist lines to fast-track China\u2019s global competitiveness. The devastating consequence, however, was that many historic working-class gains were wiped out almost overnight. In fact, between 1998 and 2002, it was estimated that more than 25 million Chinese workers had lost their jobs inside China\u2019s state-capitalist apparatus.<\/p>\n<p>Additionally, the continuing direction taken by the last three CPC national congresses (in 2012, 2017, and 2022), under the leadership of Xi Jinping, merely solidified China\u2019s imperialist track.<\/p>\n<p>Given these national conditions, China has by now definitely attained greater economic and material advantages which essentially validate <a href=\"https:\/\/www.marxists.org\/archive\/lenin\/works\/1916\/imp-hsc\/ch07.htm\">Lenin<\/a>\u2019s \u201cfive principal features\u201d of imperialism: a) the public sector\u2019s transformation from state-monopoly capitalism into private monopoly; b) the new state-capitalist bourgeoisie, having a dominant position within the Party-State process, ensures unified control over industrial and bank capital; c) China became a net capital exporting country in 2014 through its supranational financial giant, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), and was able to export up to $1.2 billion in major overseas direct investments starting in 2016; d) Beijing-led regional and transregional monopoly projects, like the AIIB, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Belt and Road Initiative, are all aimed at enhancing external market-access objectives; and, e) China continues to actively carve out <a href=\"https:\/\/www.tbsnews.net\/features\/panorama\/chinese-sphere-influence-623590\">new spheres of influence<\/a> and domination across Europe, South America, the Caribbean, Africa, West Asia, Central Asia, and the Asia-Indo-Pacific area.<\/p>\n<p>Still, China\u2019s amplified regional military superiority enables Beijing to immensely project force well beyond its frontier zone to protect its national interests. At the same time, the PRC\u2019s deepened strategic depth remains highly fortified with huge economic resources to match its rising strategic contention with U.S. imperialism. This is already the developing situation within the Southeast Asian Sea (also known as the South China Sea).<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">China\u2019s capitalist road to development has unquestionably led it onto an imperialist trajectory. It is a fast-rising imperialist global power with regional hegemonic clout across most of the Asia-Pacific.<\/aside>\n<p>China\u2019s capitalist road to development has unquestionably led it onto an imperialist trajectory. It is a fast-rising imperialist global power with regional hegemonic clout across most of the Asia-Pacific. And through this path, Beijing is clearly forcing a redivision upon the world market.<\/p>\n<p>Economically, China\u2019s growing process of capital export, via its phenomenal Belt and Road Initiative across Eurasia, is absolutely extending its sphere of influence\u2014in direct confrontation with the existing U.S. sphere of influence. This material undertaking helps to expand Beijing\u2019s political and diplomatic sway around and beyond its immediate frontiers. With an ever-increasing number of foreign governments enhancing their external relations with Beijing, China\u2019s hegemonic pull becomes even greater.<\/p>\n<p>In this way, Beijing is further transformed into a strategic center of global power with its own set of national values, goals and objectives. And to guarantee its uniquely developing imperialist project\u2014even as it shares similar basic features with the historic imperialist powers of the twentieth century\u2014China is compelled to project its respective military prowess within its immediate regional security environment. So, and in this regard, the U.S. military\u2019s proximate presence within the area is assessed not just as a clear and present danger. But even more, the U.S. is seen as an existential threat to China\u2019s national well-being, not least in relation to Taiwan, which is understood as an integral part of the Chinese nation.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, the existence of U.S. military bases on Philippine soil leads to China\u2019s hardening national security posture in its immediate regional security environment\u2014just like the U.S. reaction to Cuba in October 1962, and Russia\u2019s toward Ukraine in February 2022. This is mainly because the Philippines is geographically the closest U.S. client state to Taiwan; U.S.-controlled military bases are in the northernmost province of Cagayan (approximately 613 kilometers south of Taiwan). In contrast, U.S. military bases on Okinawa, Japan are still further in distance (approximately 716 kilometers away from Taiwan). And so, this significantly explains why Chinese military forces have ramped up their level of aggressiveness against Philippine aircraft and maritime vessels in the Southeast Asian Sea over the past decade.<\/p>\n<p>Within this emergent global context, the Philippines under Marcos Jr. is determined to integrate itself into a &#8220;<em>Globalized NATO<\/em>.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>The following factors are, therefore, priming Manila into pursuing this reckless and perilous foreign policy track:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">Manila sees a series of bilateral military and security agreements with the U.S. as sacrosanct [for example, the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.officialgazette.gov.ph\/1951\/08\/30\/mutual-defense-treaty-between-the-republic-of-the-philippines-and-the-united-states-of-america-august-30-1951\/\">1951 Republic of the Philippines-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT)<\/a>\u2014including the <a href=\"https:\/\/scribblingblues.wordpress.com\/2011\/02\/01\/the-rp-us-military-bases-agreement\/\">1947 R.P.-U.S. Military Assistance Agreement (MAA)<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.officialgazette.gov.ph\/1998\/02\/10\/agreement-between-the-government-of-the-republic-of-the-philippines-and-the-government-of-the-united-states-of-america-regarding-the-treatment-of-united-states-armed-forces-visiting-the-philippines-f\/\">1998 R.P.-U.S. Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA)<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.philstar.com\/headlines\/2002\/11\/22\/184942\/rp-us-sign-5-year-mlsa\">2002 R.P.-U.S. Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA)<\/a>, and the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.officialgazette.gov.ph\/2014\/04\/29\/document-enhanced-defense-cooperation-agreement\/\">2014 R.P.-U.S. Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA)<\/a>];<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">Manila continually enlarges the United States\u2019 military presence within the Philippines through basing schemes. In practice, this directly involves the creation of U.S.-controlled military bases on Philippine soil. At present, there are already nine American military bases within the Philippines\u2014with more being considered for the future;<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">The Philippines remains a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.state.gov\/major-non-nato-ally-status\/\">Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA)<\/a>. The MNNA status is a U.S.-designated term for non-NATO countries that have close security relations with Washington;<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">All six U.S. partners (including the Philippines) belonging to the San Francisco System (the U.S.-led &#8220;hub and spokes&#8221; regional security architecture in the Asia-Pacific) are either MNNAs and\/or NATO\u2019s Global Partners;<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">Manila endlessly conducts combined Philippines-U.S. military exercises;<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">Manila openly advocates the AUKUS-Quad security design (as a regional axis of aggression);<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">The Philippines maintains a bilateral defense arrangement with the United Kingdom (the latter is the leading power of the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.mindef.gov.sg\/oms\/safti\/pointer\/documents\/pdf\/V42N4%20A1.pdf\">Five Power Defence Arrangements\/FPDA<\/a> in East Asia). The FPDA is a military alliance that also contains Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand, and Singapore;<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">The Philippines recently inked a <a href=\"https:\/\/pco.gov.ph\/news_releases\/ph-australia-elevate-ties-with-new-joint-declaration-on-strategic-partnership\/\">Joint Declaration on Strategic Partnership<\/a> agreement with Australia as an integral military support component of the AUKUS-Quad regional security infrastructure to further augment the U.S. 2022 Indo-Pacific Strategy framework;<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">Manila also joined the <a href=\"https:\/\/apnews.com\/article\/japan-us-philippines-korea-security-talks-b4cdf9162563c60d89caa87bceb5ec26\">2023 U.S.-Japan-Philippines trilateral security framework<\/a> to further boost the above-mentioned U.S. imperialist-driven initiatives;<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">Manila incessantly bolsters the interoperability arrangements of the Armed Forces of the Philippines for its easy assimilation into the U.S. globalized military structure;<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">The Philippines affirms chief aspects of the U.S.\u2019s <a href=\"https:\/\/www.whitehouse.gov\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/02\/U.S.-Indo-Pacific-Strategy.pdf\">2022 Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS)<\/a> framework document thru the <a href=\"https:\/\/asean.org\/asean2020\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/01\/ASEAN-Outlook-on-the-Indo-Pacific_FINAL_22062019.pdf\">2019 ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP)<\/a> framework. The 2022 IPS is a regional security agenda to \u201cbolster Indo-Pacific security\u201d, while the 2019 AOIP is an initiative to enhance existing regional mechanisms, including those led by the U.S.;<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">The Philippines, together with its fellow ASEAN member states, just recently adopted and signed an <a href=\"https:\/\/apnews.com\/article\/japan-asean-summit-maritime-security-china-8ff28376dc10f9a5f95b93c4c7c7c7dc\">ASEAN-Japan &#8220;joint vision&#8221; agreement<\/a> in December 2023 emphasizing stronger security cooperation between the two;<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">The Philippines champions the <a href=\"https:\/\/asean.org\/asean-us-intensify-comprehensive-strategic-partnership\/\">2022 ASEAN-U.S. Comprehensive Strategic Partnership<\/a>. This CSP is geared to further strengthen strategic relations between Southeast Asia\u2019s top regional body and the U.S., especially in the realm of economic and security cooperation; and<\/li>\n<li aria-level=\"1\">Manila <a href=\"https:\/\/pbbm.com.ph\/speeches\/opening-remarks-by-president-ferdinand-r-marcos-jr-and-u-s-secretary-of-defense-lloyd-j-austin-iii-during-their-meeting\/\">fully promotes<\/a> Washington\u2019s foreign policy mantra of a \u201crules-based international order\u201d guarantees \u201cfreedom of navigation operations\u201d for U.S. military forces worldwide. In practice, this really means that all U.S. military forces must be granted unimpeded access to all the seas and oceans of planet Earth in order to permanently preserve and protect the strategic interests of U.S. imperialism anywhere in the world.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>These facts and conditions basically expose Manila\u2019s \u201cironclad loyalty\u201d to Washington\u2019s uber-bellicose foreign policy. They reveal how the Philippines perpetually aggravates its tense regional security environment\u2014to privilege the U.S.\u2014but to the detriment of Southeast Asia\u2019s neighborhood. The interests of the people of the Philippines, not to mention the international working class, would\u00a0 best be served by an alignment with neither Washington or Beijing. Toward this direction, the Philippines has to crucially consider the option of \u201cStrategic Non-Alignment\u201d as a principled foreign policy alternative.<\/p>\n<p>The ensuing elements are vital: a) Permanently uphold cooperative amity in the field of external relations; b) Actively advance internationalist solidarity with oppressed nations and peoples; c) Unwaveringly defend the core non-alignment principles of both the 1955 Bandung Conference and the 1966 Havana Tricontinental Conference; and d) Always maintain a progressive posture on critical issues and concerns in global affairs.<\/p>\n<p>This general stance of Strategic Non-Alignment would serve the Philippines in being able to help enrich international amity, transregional cooperation and global solidarity in a profoundly changing world. Humanity truly deserves this future\u2014not imperialist wars of aggression.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullquote\">[S]ocialists in the Philippines must resolutely struggle to reforge a socialist and worker-led anti-imperialist\/anti-fascist united front.<\/aside>\n<p>And to help achieve this goal\u2014and even beyond\u2014socialists in the Philippines must resolutely struggle to reforge a socialist and worker-led anti-imperialist\/anti-fascist united front. Such a revolutionary socialist project has to encompass the broadest layers of the Filipino working-class masses\u2014from the grassroots, and upward to the national level. One of its priority aims should be to immediately scrap the Philippines-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty\u2014plus its four attached bilateral military agreements.<\/p>\n<p>This anti-imperialist resistance fight has to be waged in order to expel all U.S. imperialist troops from Philippine soil once and for all. By successfully doing so, a key chain-link underpinning U.S. imperialism in East Asia can be broken. And hopefully, this will further diminish the United States\u2019 malign power within the region.<\/p>\n<p>Moreover, a region-wide movement of anti-imperialist mass campaign networks, actively involving revolutionary Left forces (and other progressive formations) representing the Eurasia-Indo-Pacific, has to be effectively organized. A regionally coordinated mass-based political offensive against U.S. imperialism can largely help to blunt and undermine Washington\u2019s belligerent onslaught across the area. Truly, for this common effort to have any significant impact and resonance, the campaign\u2019s central calls should basically be: \u201cNo to a \u2018Globalized NATO\u2019! Shut Down the AUKUS-Quad Axis of Aggression! U.S. Imperialist Troops Out of Asia Now! Neither Washington nor Beijing!\u201d<\/p>\n<p><em>Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the Tempest Collective. For more information, see \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/about\/\">About Tempest Collective<\/a>.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p><small>Featured image credit: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.flickr.com\/photos\/jbdodane\/52815485283\">jbdondane<\/a> via Flikr; modified by Tempest.<\/small><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Rasti Delizo<\/strong> critically examines the foreign policy of the Philippines under Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and its role in a globalized NATO.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":290,"featured_media":12220,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[442,265,400,339,318],"class_list":["post-12211","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-article","tag-capitalism","tag-china","tag-globalization","tag-nato","tag-phillipines"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/01\/rasti_philippines_nato_feature_card.jpeg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12211","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/290"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=12211"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12211\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12220"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=12211"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=12211"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tempestmag.org\/test02\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=12211"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}